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Full text of "Proceedings of the Vermont Historical Society"

»ENEALOGY 

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870-1880 



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PROCEEDINGS 



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Historical Society, 



.OCTOBEK AND ^."OYEMBEE, 1870. 



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MONTPELIER: 

PRi:srTEI) FOR THE SOCIETY. 

1871. 



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MONTPELIER: 
J. & J. M. POLAND, PRINTERS. 



PROCEEDINGS. 



MoNTPELTER, Tuesday, Oct. 11, 1870. 

The annual meeting of the Vermont Historical Society 
was holden in the General Committee Room in the State 
House, on Tuesday afternoon, .the 11th of October, 1870, 
and. was called to order by Rev. Dr. Wm.H. Lord, of 
Montpelier, first Vice President. 

On motion of Charles Dewey, the chair appointed a com- 
miltee to nominate officers for the year ensuing, as follows : 

Charles Dewey, G. G. Benedict, Orville S. Bliss, 
Charles S. Smith, William M. Pingry; 

Who reported the following list of officers, who were duly 
elected : 

President— WILLIA.^1 H. LORD, D. D., Montpelier. 

Vice Presidents — Hons. James Barrett, Woodstock ; 
Loyal C. Kellogg, Benson ; Rev. Roger S. Howard, 
D. D., Northfield. 

Recordlwj Secretary — Henry Clark, Esq., Rutland. 

Corresponding Secretary — Hon. Ge(»rge G. Benedict, 
Burlington. 

Treasurer — Col. Herman D. Hopkins, Montpelier. 

Librarian — Hon. Charles Reed, Montpelier. 



iv Vermont Historical Society. 

Curators — Messrs. Charles Reed, of Montpelier ; P. D. 
Bradford, of North field ; Charles S. Smith, of Montpelier ^ 
John R. Cleaveland, of Brookfielcl ; Orville S. Bliss, of 
Georgia; Russell S. Taft, of Burlington ; Franklin Fair- 
banks, of St. Johnsbury . 

Printing and Puhli.-liing Committee — Messrs. Hiland 
Hall, of North Bennington ; Charles Reed, of Montpelier ; 
E. P. Walton, of Montpelier. 

Mr. Reed, of the Publishing Committee, made a report, 
presenting the first volume of Historical Collections of the 
Society. Mr. Reed also read his report as librarian. •- 

Col. H. D. Hopkins, Treasurer, presented his annual re- 
port, which was accepted. 

Hon. Charles Dewey nominated the following named 
gentlemen for membei-s, who were duly elected : 

JOHX W. STEWAKT, Middlebury. - ; - 

GEORGE X. DALE, Island Pond. 

JOHN A. PAGE, Montpelier. 

ABRAHAM B. GARDNER, Bennington. - - 

JONATHAN ROSb, bt. Johnsbury. 

D. R. BAILEY, St. Albans. 
J. E. DICKERMAX, Derby. 

- HEM AN" CARPEXTER, Xorthfield. 
H. H. XILES, Thetibrd. 
C. B. EDDY, Bellows Falls. 
JAMES M. SLADE. Middlebury. 
. JOHN W. HARTSHORX, Lunenburgh. 
WALTER CARPENTER, M, D., Burlington. 

E. J. PHELPS, Burlinirton. 
GEORGE M. HALL, M. D., S wanton. 
H. H. BAXTER, M. D., Higbgate. 
CHARLES MORGAN, Rochester. 

P. W. HYDE, Castleton. 



^ Vermont Historical Society. 

W. W. GROUT, Barton. 
J. B. BEAMAX, Poultney. 
HIRAM CARLETOX, Waitsfield. 
J. B. FARNSWORTII, Windsor. 

B. M. CAMP, Xewport. 

J. B. AXGELL, Burlincjton. 

Rev. M. H. BUCKHAM, Burlington. 

« A. H. BAILEY, D. D., Sheldon. 

'' C. R. BATCHELDER, Bethel. 

'^ JOSIAII SWEET, D. D., Fairfax. 

" J. X. FAIRBAXKS, Bethel. 

" ALDACE WALKER, D. D., Wallingford. 

'' E. P. FxVIRBAXKS, St. Johnsbury. 
JOHX W. CLARK, Montpelier. 
P. P. PITKIX, 
Rev. W. J. HARRIS, 
W. G. FERRIX, " 

D. D. GORHAM, A. M., " 

E. P. WALTOX, " 
J. S. PECK, " 
JAMES T. TIIURSTOX, " . 

W. P. DILLIXGHA:vr, Waterbury. 
M. E. SMILIE, « 

J. D. DEAVITT, Moretown. 
JAMES M. SLADE, Jr., Middlebury. 
ORYILLE S. BLISS, Georgia. 
MASOX B. CARPEXTER, St. Albans. 
HEXRY X. XEWELL, Shelburne. 
DAX^EL KELLOGG, Brattleboro. 

C. A. HOTCHKISS, Fairfax. '* 



Hon. Daniel Kellogg read an interesting paper, the 
subject of which was Hon. George Folsom ; which was 
received with a vote of thanks by the Society to Judge 
Kellogg, and the family of the subject of his memoir. 

The thanks of the Society were also voted to the Printing 
Committee, and Hon. E. P. Walton in particular, for the 



vi Vermont Historical Society, 

excellent manner in which they had brought Out the first 
volume of Historical Collections. 

On motion of J. M. Poland, it whs unanhnously 

Besolved, That the thanks of the Society be returned to Mrs. 
P. L. RoBiNSOX of Bennington, for her donation of a portrait of 
Gov. Hall, the skilful and faithful work of her own hand, and 
that she be elected a life member of our Society. 

On motion of Henry Clark it was voted that Hon. Ben- 
jamin H. Steele be appointed to deliver the next annual 
address before the Society ; and that the fullowing per- 
sons be invited to prepare papers : 

Rev. H. N. Burton, on the late Hon. Henry Keyes. 

Frederick Billings, Esq., on the late Gov. Washburn. 

E. J. Phelps, Esq., on the late Hon. Dugald Stewart. 

After transacting some other business pertaining more 
particularly to the interests of the Society, the meeting 
adjourned to meet in the Representatives' Hall in the eve- 
ning, to listen to the address of Hon. James Barrett. 



EVENII^G SESSION. 

After prayer by the Rev. Dr. Drake, the President, Rev. 
Dr. Lord, introduced the Hon. James Barrett, of Wood- 
stock, who proceeded to read a memorial paper upon the 
eminent character and services of the Hon. Charles Marsh. 
As an appropriate introduction, Judge Barrett briefly and 
fittingly alluded to the late Hon. George F. Houghton, who 
deceased while President of this Society. 






Vermont Historical Society. vii 

Henry Clark presented the following resolution, wbicli 
was adopted : 

Eesoloed, That the thanks of the Vermont Historical 
Society be presented to the Hon. James Barrett for his inter- 
esting, elaborate and appreciative Memoir of Hon. Charles 
Marsh, and that a copy be requested for the archives of the 
Society. 



Wednesday, October 12. 

It was voted, on motion of Hon. Daniel Kellogg of Brat- 
tleboro, that a committee be appointed to confer with the 
family of the late President, George F. Houghton, Esq., 
relative to procuring any historical papers in their posses- 
sion ; also, any of his own historical writings that have 
never been published. And the President appointed Mr. 
Kellogg as such committee. 

On motion of Hon. George G. Benedict it was 

Voted, That the Librarian be instructed to furnish the first 
vohime of Collections of the Society to such uew members as shall 
pay three dollars in addition to their membership fee. 

On motion of Mr. Benedict, Luther L. Dutcher,- A. M., 
was requested to prepare a biographical sketch of the late 
President of the Society, George F. Houghton, Esq., to 
be read at a future meeting of the Society. 

On motion of Henry Clark, Rev. H. C. Riggs of St. 
Albans was also requested to prepare a paper on the life 
of the late Hon. Lawrence Brainerd. 



viii Vermont historical Society. 

The Society then adjourned to meet on the first Wednes- 
day in November. 



Wednesday, November 2. 

The following committees were appointed : 

On the Library and Cabinet — Roger S. Howard, North- 
field ; Charles S. Smith, Montpelier ; Russell S. Taft, 
Burlington. 

On Finance — Charles Dewey, Charles Reed, Mont- 
pelier ; Franklin Fairbanks, St. Johnsbury. 

No other business appearing, the Society adjourned sine 



ANNUAL REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN 

• OF THE 

VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



To the Vermont Historical Society : 

A list of the additions to our Library the past year is ap- 
pended. And I have made note of the following matters 
as of especial interest : . ^ 

HISTORY OF THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH IX VERMONT. 

In the past year has been published The Documentary 
History in the Protestant Episcopal Church in Vermont. 

Those outside this denomination will read with most in- 
terest the sketch of Rev. Samuel Peters, LL. D., and the 
story of his ambition to be the Bishop of the Diocese of 
Vermont. The " Allen papers," in the collection of Henry 
Stevens, contain unpublished letters belonging to this queer 
passage in our church history. Articles in the Church 
Monthly, of July and December, 1864, refer to these addi- 
tional documents. 

In one of these letters, under date of February 8, 1796, 
Dr. Peters' writes : 

2 V • 



X Vermont historical Society. 

"I must also acquaint you that I am personally interested in 
having a canal opened from Lake Champlain to the St. Lawrence 
below Montreal ; having been elected Bishop of Vermont, and 
also am to be President of its University in the city of Bur- 
lington." 

We are sorry that the authors of this Documentary His- 
tory did not publish all the known original papers on this 
subject; for nomine ever promised richer or more curious 
products, than a coUectioQ of all the contemporaneous docu- 
ments of Dr. Peters and his Diocese of Vermont. 

This book furnishes full materials or references for those 
who desire to trace the controversy of the Socletij for Prop- 
agating the Gospel in Foreign Parts with our State for the 
G-lehe Lands granted to that Society in the New Hampshire 
charters. 

Nowhere else can so full a statement be found of a his- . ; 
tory that is widely scattered in legislative journals, stat- 
utes, law reports, church proceedings, etc., etc. I 

This narrative is a valuable compilation. . 

CAUGHNAWAGA CAXAL. <^ ] 

"The city of Burlington" was marked for a splendid 
mart of commerce and trade, to be built up by a canal con- 
necting Lake Champlain with the St. Lawrence, several 
generations back. We learn from Ira Allen's Historv of 
Vermont, " ^Aa^ General ff aid imand, Governor of Canada, 
appointed Capt. Twist, the engineer of that province, to 
make a survey and estimate the expense of a canal from 
the River St. Lawrence to Lake Champlain, which tvas 
executed in 1785." «. 



Vermont Ektorical Society. xi 

Allen ''offered to cut the canal at his own expense^^ if he 
could be permitted to take toll to pay the interest on his 
investment. 

Oar readers are referred to pages 4, 264-9, of Allen's 
History (Yt. Hist. Coll. Yol. I, pages 333, 478,) for some 
of the transactions of that date in regard to the proposed 
canal. 

In Graham's Letters, published in London in 1797, the 
colonel says : 

" One of the motives that brought me to London was a hope that 
the British Government 'would join with tjie State of Vermont in 
opening a communication by means of a caned between Lake Cham- 
plain arid the Biver St. Lawrence.-^ 

This canal is a very old project, and not less important to 
our state, and not less practicable now, than it was eighty- 
five years ago, when Thomas Chittenden and Ira Alien were 
wisely planning for the State they had founded. 

THE YERMOXT BRIGADE IN THE SHEXAKDOAH 

YALLEY. 

Col. Aldace F. Walker, of the 11th Yermont regiment, 
has given us his '' history of six regiments for six months," 
in a book of 191 pages, beautifully printed by the Free 
Press Association in Burlington. 

How Sheridan cleaned out the Shenandoah Yalley and 
fought the battles of Opequan, Fifeher's Hill, and Cedar 
Creek, is graphically and admirably told. 

We also learn how his chivalrous spirit and prompt strat- 
egy magnetized his soldiers and made them invincible ; and 



xii Vermont Historical Society. 

how much of truth and how much of fiction there is in Bu- 
chanan Heed's famous " Sheridan's Ride." 

Col. Walker's book stirs afresh the enthusiasm of Ver- 
mont for her *' Old Brigade," which gained for itself and 
its State such high honors. 

CHAMBLY, 1776. 

Captain Elisha Benedict, of Col. Goose Van Shaick's. reg- 
iment, (2d battalion of New York Forces,) with about sev- 
enty-five men, was in garrison at Fort Chambly, January 8, 
1776. A package of old papers,- mostly relating to Capt. 
Benedict's company, and this period, has been presented to 
the Society. We select the following : 



MODEL REQUISITION FOR RATIONS. 

" A Provision and Rum Return for the party of Col. Goose Van 
Schaick's Regiment, it being the 2d Battalion of Xew York 
Forces now in camp at Upper Breastworks, 28th of October, 1775. 

Well 15 

Sick 4 

Total 19 

Henry Van Woert, Q. M." 



ANOTHER REQUISITION, NOVEMBER 4, 1776. 

"A Provision Return for Capt. Van Woert's camp, for 32 men, 
Col. McKey's Eegiment. • 

Peter Van Woert, Capt." 

. General Order. 

" To the Serjants of this Garrison, — You are to take perticular 
care that the Guard is kept in good order two Sentrys at the gate 
one the outside and the other Within side of the Gates Suffer 



Vermont Historical Society, xiii 

non to pass or Repass excepting those Belonging to the Garrison 
and those that bring wood and Provisions excepting the}' have 
business Imediately with me then one of the sentrys at the gate 
is to wait on them Directly to me and back again one of- the Sen- 
trys at the gate to be taken olf when the liridg is hauled up and 
to be Eeplaiced at Sun Rise and the Role to be caled over at 
nine o'clock in the morning and make Report to me. 

Elisiia Benedict, Capt. 

Commanding at Sharably. 
Garrison Orders, ) 
Chambly, Jan. 8, 1776." ; 



LETTER TO GEX. BEXEDICT ARNOLD FROM A PRIVATE SOLDIER 
UNDER ARREST. 

Chambly, April 24th, 1776. 

To General Arnold, coramanding at Montreal : Sir : — I thought 
it my Duty to informe your honour of my situation at present I 
was taken a prisoner at this fort last fall by the army of the United 
Colonies I heard so much of liberty and freedom that I longed 
to embrace these Blessings which I thought they enjoyed I wil- 
lingly Inlisted myself Into the service of the United Colonies un- 
der Capt. Hanitrnjnck, in Col. Dugon's Regiment, the coin was 
brock, the Capt. was also brock I returned to Chambly again and 
inlisted myself to Capt Benedict's company which was stationed 
at the fort Col Hazen came hear and ordered me to be confined 
for inlisting into Capt Benedict's company there was one Cana- 
dian confined with me The crime is in these words viz '' A Can- 
adian confined by Col Hazen for mutiny and disobeying of orders 
Also Wm. Blundin confined by Col Ilazen for inlisting into Capt 
Benedict's Company at a time when he was a soldier in Col Ha- 
zen's Regiment, Chambly, March 29th, 1776." The Canadian was 
released long ago but I am still in the Guard House closely con- 
fined I begg it as a favour of your Honour that you would order 
me to be tried or releas me from this confinement. 

If I am guilty of death I refuse not to Die but why should I be 
murthered as it war in this manner it is almost a month since I 
was first confined the rest of the Regiment is gone of and I have 
no one to pittey me hear. 

Sir, from Your Obedient Humbl Servant, 

William Blondin." 



xiv Vermont historical Society/. 

OUK FIEST VOLUME AND THE XEXT. 

The publication of Yermont Historical Collections, Voi. 
I, this day laid before you, marks an epoch in the life of our 
Society. 

The volume does credit to its printers, Messrs. J. & J. 
M. Poland, and advertises their office as one to which the 
publication of valuable books may be safely entrusted. 

The Publishing Committee desire me here to express 
their obligation to Hon. E. P. Walton, for his labors and 
watchful care in correcting the proofs and giving shape to 
the volume, and for his valuable assistance in editing mat- 
ters gathered from so many sources and presenting so many 
questions for the judgment, taste and skill of the antiqua- 
rian, the scholar, and the printer. 

The Society is also indebted to George B. Reed, Esq., 
37 Brattle street, Boston, our former treasurer, who has al- 
ways taken a deep interest in our Society and labored 
faithfully for its success, for the use of his copy of Ira Al- 
len's Hlstory of Yermont, from which to make the re- 
print which appears in our volume. 

Crowded out of our present volume, and ready for oar 
next, are articles on the Vermont Coat of Anns and State 
Seal, by the State Librarian ; Runaway/ Pond', by Pliny H. 
White; General Whitelaw, Surveyor Creneral of Vermont, 
by Mr. -Good wil lie ; and the Blbliographj of Vermont, by 
Chauncey K. Williams. Another year promises a second 
volume of equal interest with the present. 



• Vermont Historical Society. xv 

DONATIONS. 

Among those who have coiitrtbuted most to our shelves 
the past year, we have to name Henry Stevens, Trafalgar 
Square, London, and George B. Reed, Boston, Mass. 

Mr. Stevens's gift is of 151 volumes of old boolvs printed 
from 15-13 to the present century, in Greek, Latin, German, 
Dutch, French, Italian, Spanish, and English, and mostly 
historical. 

Mr. Reed's gift is of ^b bound volumes and a large col- 
lection of pamphlets, the whole printed in or relating to 
Vermont. 

THE ALLEN PAPERS. 

Henry Stevens, of Barnet, late deceased, gathered into 
his possession the papers of the Allen family. Why the 
different branches of the family delivered these papers to 
Mr. Stevens, it is now useless to inquire. . But the history 
of the Aliens was for many years the history of the State. 
These papers are now the property of Henry Stevens's heirs, 
and are for sale. They have been offered to the New York 
State Library, as I am informed by its of&cers, and the pur- 
chase declined. 

Whether this State or our Society would be willing to 
purchase these documents at the price asked is doubtful, but 
they must be of more value to us than to anybody else. 
They are now in London and in preparation for the British 
Museum. 



xvi Vermont Historical Society. 

LEGISLATION OF VERMONT. 

Oar Society, at their meeting in Burlington, July 7, 
1870, accepted the act of the Legislature of 1869, and the 
State is now represented on the Board of Curators. This 
arrangement will remove any distrust as to tlie stability and 
permanency of our institution. 

The Society is doing and proposes to do just what the 
State ought to do and pay for, and what nearly every other 
State has been doing for years, in publishing matters relat- 
ing to State history. 

None of the Journals of the Governor and Council, a 
distinct branch of our Legislature up to 1835, have ever 
been printed, and many of the Journals of the House of 
Representatives are nowhere to be found in print. The 
attention of the Honorable Legislature is invited to the 
subject. 

And there is not a page of the Vermont Historical Collec- 
tio.s, Vol. 1, that Uie State should not have paid for out 
of its treasury rather than that it should not have been 
printed. 

The bills for binding, books, pamphlets, and papers, and 
putting them in condition for examination and use, have 
already exhausted the amount of appropriation by the Leg- 
islature. It is estimated that two hundred dollars more will 
accomplish the object. 

PORTRAIT OF GOVERNOR HALL. 
Mr. and Mrs. P. L. Robinson, of Bennington, have pre- 
sented to our Society an excellent portrait of our. honored 



Vermont nUtorical Society. xvii 

Ex-President Hiland Hall. This is a copy by Mrs. Rob- 
inson of a portrait by Mason, painted when the Governor 
was in the vigor of his days. 

The letter of presentation is herewith submitted. 

The likeness is a good one, showing the skill of the true 
artist, and it is quite proper the first oil painting owned by 
the Society should be of a Vernionter who has done more to 
elucidate the early history of the State than any other of 
her sons, living or dead. And for so opportune a gift we 
can do no less than make the lady a life member of our 
Society. 

PRESENT COXDITIOX OF THE SOCIETY. 

Our Society was never so flourishing as this meeting finds 
it. The additions to its Library have never been so many 
in a single year as in the past. And I am able to announce 
that the funds of the Society are ample to secure the print- 
ing of Vol. II of Vermont Historical Collections within 
the next year, and it is the purpose of the committee to 
commence the work forthwith. 



DEATH OF MEMBERS. 

A year ago, at our annual meeting, our Society had to 
mourn the loss of a President, and this year we have lost 
by death his successor, George Frederick Houghton, our 
genial President, whose life was most conspicuous for his 
high culture and his intelligent devotion to historical pursuits. 
That Peter T. Washburn, Dugald Stewart, and George 
3 



xviii Vermont Historical Society. 

P. Houghton should be taken from our ranks in a single 
year is a misfortune and loss to the Society greatly to be 
lamented, and to each of these distinguished members the 
Society owes fitting honors and eulogy. 
Respectfully submitted, 
. " CHARLES REED, Librarian, 

MoNTPEUER, October 11, 1870. 



\ \^V\ 



BOOKS RECEIVED AT THE LIBRARY 

OF THE 

VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

For the Year ending October 11, 1870. 



E. Steiger, New York city^ — Yerhandlungen des Yereias 
fuer Kunst, u. s. w. 1869. Lit. Monatsbericht. YoL 1, 
Part 5. 

Charles F. Dodge — Northern Centinel, Extra, June 
27, 1812. 

Maj. 0. F. R. Watte — Yermont in the Rebellion. 

Jonathan Tenney — Memorial of Class of 1813, Dart- 
mouth. 

Hon. George F. Edmunds — Congressional Globe, 4 vols. 

Hon. Benjamin H. Steele — Indian Narratives, 1794 to 
1820. Gathered Sketches of New Hampshire and Yermont. 

Col. Aldace F. Walker — Yermont Brigade in the Shen- 
andoah Yalley. 

Hon. David Read, Burlington — Nathan Read and the 
Steam Engine. 

Gen. J. Watts de Peyster — Personal and Military His- 
tory of Philip Kearney. 



XX Vermont Historical Society. 

Edward Jarvis, M. D — Trial of S. M Andrews: 
" Mania Transitoria." 

Joseph S. Griswold, Benson— § dollar continental cur- 
rency, February 17, 1776 ; £2 and X5 notes, Virginia; colo- 
nial currency, 1773, 1775 ; 81 Virginia currency, 1779 ; 
North 'Carolina colonial currency. 

Oryille S. Bltss, Georgia, Vt. — Rutland Herald, August 
30, 1815 ; Post Boy, Windsor, 1805, twelve numbers ; nine 
pamphlets. 

Rev. E. F. Slafter — Slafter Memorial; Discourse by 
the donor before the New England Genealogical Society. 

Joel Munsell, Albany, N. Y. — Prussia and the German 
System of Education ; Flora of the Adirondacks ; • Frogs 
an& their Contributions to Science ; and twenty-seven other 
pamphlets. 

Hbnry Stevens, 4 Trafalgar Square, London : — 

GREEK. 

Saidas, quarto. Basile®, 1541. 

Robertus Constantinus, Lexicon Gr^co-latinum, 2 v. 
folio. [Basilese, 1563.] . 

Polybius, Eklogai per Presbeion, small quarto. Antwerp, 
1582. 

Euripides, Tragedies, Vol. 2. 

Palaia Diatheke, quarto. Franequerae, 1709. 

LATIX. 

R. Stephanas, Dictionarium, 3 v. folio. Paris, 1543. 



Vermont Historical Society. xxi 

Rodolphus Gualtherus. Homilies on Matthew, Pars 
altera, folio. Tiguri, 1584. 

Biblia Sacra, quarto. London, 1593. 

Rodolphus Hospinianus, Historia Sacramentaria, quarto. 
Tiguri, 1598 — (two copies.) 

The same. Pars altera, quarto. Tiguri, 1602. . 

Andreas Schott, HispanisS Illustratce, 4 v. in 3, folio. 
Frankfort, 1603. 

John Pistorius, Rerum Germanicorum Scriptores, folio. 
Frankfort, 1607. 

The same. Tomus alter Germanicorum Scriptorum, folio. 
Hanover, 1613. 

Gulielmus Piso, Historia Naturalis Brasilia;, etc., folio. 
L. Elzivir, Amsterdam, 1648. 

Historia) Nat. et Med. Indiae Occidentalis. [Same date, 
probably.] 

J. Prideaux, Lectiones. Oxford, 1648. 

Ambrosius Calephinus, Dictionarium, 2 v. folio. London, 
1667. 

Vincentio Wing, Astronomia Britannica, quarto. Lon- 
don, 1669. 

Diophantus of Alexandria, Arithmet. Libri Sex, etc., 
folio. Toulouse, 1670. 

Antoine De Soto's Conquete du Mexique, 2 v. Paris, 
1759. 

Byron's voyages translated from the English, 4. v. Paris, 
1774. 

Ruelius and Hartmannus, 4 v., small quarto. Noriberga?, 
1675. 



xxii Vermont Historical Society. 

Bohuslahus Balbinus, Misc. Hist, of Kingdom of Bo- 
hemia, 8 V. in 4, quarto. Old Prague, 1687. 

Henricus ^leibomius, History of Germany, 2 v. in 4, 
quarto, fie'lmstadise, 1688. 

W. S. J. G. Besser, Primitive Flora; Galica;, etc., 2 v. 
duodecimo. Vienna, 1809. 

FRENCH. 

Cardinal D'Ossat, Letters, folio. Paris, 1624. 

Jean Baptiste Labat, Voyage aux Isles De L'Amerique, 
6v..duodec. Paris, 1722. . , ' 

Antoine De Solis. Conquete Da Mexique, 2 v., duodec. 
Paris, 1759. 

Byron's Voyages — translated from the English. 4 v. 
Paris, 1774. 

De Constantin, Recueil des Voiages aux Indes Orientales, 
5 V. Amsterdam, 1775.' 

Guillaume Thomas Raynal, Histoire Phtlisophique et 
Politique, 10 y. Geneva, 1780. 

M. John Mandrillon, Le Voyageur Americain. Amster- 
dam, 1782. 

- J. B. A. Suard, Melanges de Litterature, 5 v. Paris, 
1803. 

Chaudon and Delandine, Noveau Dictionaire Historique, 
13 V. Lyons, 1804. 

ITALIi^JN". 

Thomas Porcacchi, L'Isole del Mondo, quarto. Venetia, 

1576. 

SPANISH. 

Antonio De Solis, Conquista de Mexico, 2 v. Barcelona, 
1771. 



Vermont Historical Society. xxiii 

DUTCH. 

Isaac Weld, Reizen door de stiiateii van Noord Amerika, 
3 Y. The Hague, 1801. 

A. J. Yon Krusensteru, Reize om de wereld, 4 v. Haar- 
lem, 1811. 

GEEMAX. 

Joseph Stoecklein, Reis-Beschrcil)ungen Missionarien, 3 
V. folio. Aiigspurg, 1726-32. 

ENGLISH. 

Th. Herbert's Pej:*sian Monarchy, quarto. London, 1634. 

Holy Bible, quarto. London, 1683. 

Wm. Whiston's Primitive Christianity Revived, 4 v. Lon- 
don, 1711. 

M. Prior's works, 2 v. London, 1740. 

Malachy Postlethwayt's Britain's Commercial Interests, 
2 V. London, 1757. 

Mr. Salmon's Geog. Grammar. London, 1758. 

Benjamin Franklin's Works, Electricity, &c., quarto, Lon- 
don, 1774; Franklin's Polit. and Phil. Misc., quarto, London, 
1779; Franklin's Works, 2d Edition, 3 v., London, 1806. 

J. Carver, Travels in North America. London, 1778. 

Wm. Paley's Horse Paulinas, Sermons, Philosophy, Natu- 
ral Theology, and Evidences, 7 v. London, 1794-1808. 

W. Wintherbottom's America. London, 1795. 

J. Moore's Yiew of Italy, 2 v. London, 1795. 

Capt. J. G. Stedman's Narrative of Expedition against 
Revolted Negroes of Surinam, 2 v., quarto. London, 1796. 



xxiv Vennont Historical Society. 

Chas, Thompson's Translation of the Bible, 4 v. Phila- 
delphia, 1808. 

Geo. Chalmer's Estimate of Great Britain, 1810. 

W. H. Reid's beauties of Blair. London, 1809. 

John Robison's Proofs of Conspiracy of Free Masons, 
Illuminati, &c. New York, 1798. 

New England Farmer, vols. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8. 

Wm. Gurnall's Christian in Complete Armor, 3 v. Lon- 
don, 1820. 

John Parkhurst's Hebrew and English Lexicon, 2d Edi- 
tion, quarto, 1778. 

G. C. Whitlock's Geometry. New York, 1849. 

M. Lafever's Modern Architecture, quarto. New York, 
1839. 

J. Locke's Common Place Book of Bible. 1824. 

W. H. Smyth's Life of Captain Philip Beaver. London, 
1820. 

[Size of books in Mr. Stevens's list, octavo, unless other- 
wise specified.] 

George B. Reed, Boston, Massachusetts: — 

Holy Bible, quarto, Brattleborough, 1816. 

Watt's Horae Lyracne, Yergennes, 1813. 

Nicholas Baylies' Essays on the Mind. 

Hubbard's Indian Wars, Brattleborough, 1814. 

T. G. Fessenden's Clerk's Companion, Brattleborough, 
1815. 

Rufus Nutting's Memoirs of Mrs. Emily Egerton, Boston, 
1832. 

Rufus Nutting's English Grammar, Montpelier, 1840. 



Vermont Historical Society. xxv 

Poems by a Lady, (Mrs. Dean of Barnard, no doubt,) 
Woodstock, 1820. 

Opinion of Dow, or Lorenzo's Thoughts, Windham, 1804. 

Narrative of Colonel Ethan Allen's Captivity, Walpole, 
1807. 

The Accident, or Henry and Julia, by William Perrin, 
Montpelier, 1815. 

Jabez Earle, Looking Glass, Montpelier, 1817. 

Patriot's Monitor, by Ignatius Thompson, Randolph, 1810. 

Religious Courtship, Montpelier, 1810. 

Hubbard's Geography, Barnard, 1814. 

Hewe's Sword Exercise, Middlebury, 1814. 

History of Revolution, Samuel Williams, New Haven, 
1824. 

Monody on Death of General Pike, by N. Hill Wright, 
Middlebury, 1814. 

Four Sermons, by S. Fuller of Vershire, Hanover, New 
Hampshire. 

Coleridge's Aids to Reflection, Marsh's Edition, 1839. 

Samuel R. Browu, Campaigns of N. W. Army, Burling- 
ton, 1814. 

Thirty-four other bound volumes. 

Thirteen autograph letters of Governor Jennison. 

Two packages of newspapers. 

Seven packages of pamphlets, sermons, speeches, &c. 

One package of Farmer's xUmanacs. 

D. T. Taylor, Rouses Point. 

The Coming Earthquake ; Few Saved or the awful condi- 
tion of ther World and Cliristendom. 
4 



xxvi Vermont Historical Soaiety, 

Office of the Chief of Engineers — Reports of En- 
gineers, 1868. 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania — Memoirs, vol. 
9 ; Penn and Logan correspondence. 

American Antiquarian Society — Proceedings of Annual 
Meeting, April 27, 1870. 

Natural History Society of Montreal — Canadian 
Naturalist, June, 1869.. 

Maine Historical Society — Collections, 2 series, vol. 1. 

State Historical Society of AYisconsin — Annual ad- 
dress by M. M. Strong, Report of Executive Committee. 

American Museum of Natural History — First Annual 
Report, January, 1870. 

Georgia Historical Society — Mortuary Record of Sa- 
vannah, 1854 to 1869. 

Franklin Society, Chicago — Early Newspapers in Il- 
linois. 

Trustees Antietam Cemetery by Maj. W. Rounds — 
Antietam National Cemetery. 
- D. P. Thompson's Estate — Chambly garrison documents, 
1776. 

Hon. John R. Cleayeland, Brookfield — Volume of 
Massachusetts Election Sermons. 

Mr. Shuttleworth's Election Sermon, 1791. (Vermont.) 

Mr. Forsyth's Election Sermon, 1799. (Vermont.) 

Mr. Eastman's Election Sermon, 1808. (Vermont.) 

Ouabi. 

Ecclesiastical Council at Bolton. 

Number of bound volumes added during the year, 235. 
Number of pamphlets, 325. 



OFFICERS 

or THE 

Vermont Historical Society, 1870-71 



President, 
WILLIAM II. LOED, D. D., Moiitpelior. 

Vice Presidents, 
Hon. JAMES BAKRETT, Woodstock, 
Hon. LOYAL C. KELLOGG, Benson, 
Key. ROGER S. HOWARD, D. D., Xorthfield. 

Recording Secretary, 
HEXRY CLARK, Esq., Rutland. 

CORRESI-ONDIXG SECRETARY, 

Hon. GEORGE G. BEXEDICT, Burlington. 

Treasurer, 

Col. HERMAN D. HOPKIXS, Montpelier. 

Librarian, 

Hon. CHARLES REED, Montpelier. 



Board of Curators. 

Charles Reed, Montpelier, 
P. D. Bradford, Xorthtleld, 
Charles S. Smith, Montpelier, 
John R. Cleaveland, Brooklield, 
Orv^lle S. Bliss, Georgia, 
Russell S. Taft, Burlington, 
Franklin Fairbanks, St. Jobnsbury. 



Committees. 
Printing and PuhlisJung Committee — Messrs. Hiland Hall, 
Korth Bennington ; Charles Reed, Montpelier ; E. P. Wal- 
ton, Montpelier. 

On the Lihrary and Cabinet — Roger S. IIoavard, XorthtieLl ; 
Charles S. Smith, Montpelier ; Russell S. Taft, Burlingt( n. 

On Fina)ice — CiiAiiLES Dewet, Charles Reed, Montpelier ; 
Franklin Fairbanks, St. Johnsbury. 



All donations of Books, Pamphlets, or Newspapers, should, be addressed to Hun, 
Charles Rked, Montpelier. 



A 



MEMORIAL ADDRESS 

ox THE 

LIFE AND CIIAKACTER 

OF THE 

HON. CIIAELES MAESIL LL. D. 



A Paper read before the Vermont Historical Society, 

AT MONTPELIER, OCT. 11, 1870, • 

By JAMES BARRETT, LL. D. 



'ADDRESS 



Mr. President : — I see by the public announcement that 
the designated service for this evening is " the Annual 
Address." I have prepared myself to respond to this 
announcement only by reading a memorial paper. 

But before proceeding, it seems fitting that I should allude 
to the bereavement which this Society has recently experi- 
enced in the sudden and untimely death of its President,* 
who was also, for all the years of his manhood, one of its 
most earnest and efficient members, officers, and workers. 
This event, following so soon upon the death of his worthy 
and distinguished predecessor! in the presidential office — 
his friend and most zealous and successful co-worker in real- 
izing to the public the peculiar purposes which the Society 
was designed to serve, — is doubly potent as a cause for sor- 
row, and doubly potent as an admonition to the living, how 
certain is death, and how uncertain the continuance of life 
and work on earth. In such an hour as he thought not, 
even as a thief in the night, the Son of Man came. May 
the living lay it to heart. 

While to the rising and middle aged generations of the 
present day in this State the names of Allen, and Chitten- 

* George F. Houghton, Esq. f^ev. Pliny H. White. 



den, and Baker, and Warner, and Robinson, are familiar as 
designating prominent and historic characters in the scenes 
and deeds that brought into organized and distinctive exist- 
ence, as a body politic, what ultimately became a member of 
the American- Union as the State of • Vermont, there are 
other names, now hardly known to fame, that designated 
men whose life and deeds entered largely, into the rudi- 
mental growth and fruitful maturity of the State, as it now 
stands forth in its excellence of character. 

The emergencies, springing from the colonial complica- 
tions between New York and New Hampshire in reference 
to the territory now constituting Vermont, requii'ed the defi- 
ant boldness, the judicious shrewdness, the fruitful adroit- 
ness, the unhinching persistence, and the obdurate fortitude 
that characterized and distinguished the men whom I have 
named and their prominent associates. But when those 
emergencies had i)een so far solved that Vermont had estab- 
lished its independence as a State, and as such could fulfil 
its functions only by establishing social order upon the 
foundations of law, then it was that the class of men to 
whom I secondly referred, but did not name, became as 
important and serviceable as the former class had been. 
The former founded the State as a political organization. 
The latter developed its capabilities, through legislation and 
judicial administration, for realizing to the dwellers within 
its borders the beneficent results for which it was designed 
by its founders. Tlie State, as a political organization of 
constitutional basis and frame-work merely, is of nothing 
worth. It is only when it ordains and administers law that 
it becomes a vitalized and active power for the common 



weal. To the most casual reflection it is obvious that the 
law in its administration — tlie law, as the prescribed rule of 
the right, duty and liability of every human being within 
the State, in reference both to person and property, in all 
the relations and enterprises of associated life — is the sole 
instrumentality by whicli the government acts in the accom- 
plishment of the purposes for which it has existence. The 
makers and ministers of law supervene upon the makers of 
constitutions of government. The former give practical 
operation and effect to the work which the latter have 
brought forth. 

When Vermont first' assumed an independent existence 
upon the basis of a constitution of government in 1777, the 
then present object of chief interest: was to continue and 
* consummate successful resistance to the claims and course 
of New York in reference to the Xew Hampshire Grants. 
This continued for several years, during which little atten- 
tion was given to the general and special legislation, and to 
•the establishment of a systematic and well considered body 
of jurisprudence, such as was necessary, and would be ade- 
quate, to the u^)l)uilding, consolidation and improvement in 
social prosperity and cultivation of the entire body of the 
people as thcii' numbers should increase and their wants be 
multiplied. This is fully illustrated by the fact that the 
constitution of 1777 was not submitted to any action of the 
people after having been adopted by the convention at 
Windsor ; Ijy the fact — to modern minds somewhat amusing 
— that the legislature, in 1770, solemnly enacted that the 
constitution — that constitution under which the legislature 
had been elected and was then assembled and acting — " shall 



be forever considered, held and maintained as part of the laws 
of this State"; — rather a marked instance of the stream 
undertaking to rise higher than its fountain spring. Again, 
in 1782, in the words of the preamble : '* To prevent dis- 
putes respecting the legal force of the constitution of this 
State, and to determine who are entitled to the general priv- 
ileges of the constitution and laws," the legislature proceeded 
to re-enact, with some additions, the act of 1779 just recited. 
It is further illustrated by the fact that tlie laws passed at 
several successive sessions of the legislature were declared 
to be temporary, and to remain in force only till the rising 
of the next session thereafter. 

The meagre, crude, and fragmentary character of the 
law, as well as the meagerness of the ideas of the then con- 
trolling minds in reference to law, as the rule of the rights, 
duties, and liabilities of all the subjects of the government, 
could not be made more palpable than by an enactment of 
1779 — a part of which I cite, as follows : 

*' That no man's life shall be taken away ; no man's honor or 
good name be stained ; no man's person shall be arrested, re- 
strained, banished, dismembered, nor any ways punished ; no man 
shall be deprived of his wife or children ; n(» man's goods or es- 
tates shall be taken away from him, nor any ways endamaged, 
under color of law. or countenance of authority, unless it be by 
some express law of this State warranting the same, established 
by the General Assem])ly ; or, in defect of such law, in any par- 
ticular case, by some plain rule, warranted by tlie word of God.'' 

"Be it further enacted hi/ the authoritij aforesaid. That common 
law, as it is j^enerally practiced and understood in the Xew Eng- 
land States, be and is hereby established as the conmion law of 
thiy State." 



In such a condition of tlie law, both statutory and com- 
mon, in a State not then a member of the Union, and in 
controversy with New York as, to the right and fact of sep- 
arate existence, and with New Hampshire as to territorial 
limits on the East, the population of which was largely 
spiced with persons who had left their homes in other Prov- 
inces and States as a measure of safety to themselves, as 
well as for the good of the countries they had left, and in 
such condition and habits of mind — such views, purposes 
and modes as characterized the aggregate of tiie inhabitants, 
the field was by no means the most inviting to educated pro- 
fessional men. Yet that field was most urgently needing 
men of study and cultivation in general learning, as well as 
in the particular department of the law, — men of clear 
moral apprehensions and strong moral convictions — men of 
uprightness and integrity, of effective force of intellect and 
will in behalf of the right in law and morals, to be exerted 
in efforts, judiciously directed, to the bringing order out of 
confusion, and to resolve the prevailing chaos into a law es- 
tablished, law governed, and God fearing State. 

At an early day, and an opportune time, such men began 
to appear in the persons of Stephen R. Bradley, Stephen 
Jacob, Nathaniel Chipman, Amasa Paine, Daniel Buck, Dan- 
iel Chipman, Charles ^larsh, Asa Aldis, and others, their 
cotemporaries and co-workers. To them belonged the 
work of asserting for the State the law in its true signifi- 
cance — the law as a system based on principles of justice 
and equity, as embodied in the common law of England, 
but to be modified, adapted, and supplemented by wise legis- 



•8 

lation, and all to be so done and administered as to serve 
all the needs of the young, crude, restless and growing 
State ; and that work they did both wisely and well. 

For the present occasion I am to speak particularly of 
one of that class of men — Charles Marsh. 

I trust I shall not be thought to have transcended proper 
limits if I range somewhat beyond merely the personal biog- 
raphy of one who was so conspicuous in his day as a law- 
yer and a citizen — derived in maternal ancestry from Major 
John Mason, famous in the early scenes of Connecticut his- 
tory — a cousin, in the same line, of Jeremiah Mason, the 
greatest of New England lawyers — a son of Joseph Marsh, 
of Hartford, the first Lieutenant-Governor of Vermont, — 
an uncle of President and Professor James 3farsh, the most 
eminent of American ethical and tlieological philosophers, 
and of Dr. Leonard Marsh, recently deceased, one of the 
most learned classical, scientific and professional scholars of 
his day — arid father of George P. Marsh, the statesman, di- 
plomatist, and autVior, and, in all departments of human 
learning, accorded the first rank by the learned both of this 
country and of Europe. As the object of my being called to 
my present duty is that I may contribute somewhat in furtlier- 
ance of the proper ends of this association as the Vermont 
Historical Society, and in view of the great honor that has 
been brought to the State by those who have borne, and 
still bear, the illustrious name of Marsh, all vitalized by the 
same family blood, I trust I shall not weary by some detail 
of personal statistics. 



Mr. Marsh was bora in Lebanon, Conn., July 10, 1765. 
He was a descendant of John ^larsli, who emigrated from 
England to the colony of Massachusetts in 1038, and removed 
from that colony with the Rev. Mr. Hooker and his congi-e- 
gation to commence the settlement of Hartford, Conn., in 
1635. John Marsh married Anne, a daughter of Deputy 
Governor (or assistant) John Webster, and by her he had a 
numerous family. He survived lier, and married for second 
wife the widow of Richard Lyman, of Northampton, Mass., 
by whom also he had children. Most of his immediate de- 
scendants remained in Hartford and its vicinity, with an in- 
heritance of an extensive landed estate. John Marsh's 
grandson, Joseph, removed in 1697 to Lebanon, Conn., and 
there resided till his death. For many years he held prom- 
inent and influential positions in that region. He had a son 
Joseph, who also spent his life in Lebanon. The second 
.Foseph also had a son Joseph, who was the father of Charles 
— the subject of my present reading. That third Joseph — 
the father of Charles — also resided in the same town, ex- 
cept for a short time, till, in 1773, he removed to Hartford, 
Vermont, where he settled upon land he had purchased, and 
the same that now constitutes the farm of Hon. John Porter, 
a little below Queeche Village. He had also purchased 
other extensive tracts in Jlartford, and in neighboring 
towns. 

Having had much experience in business and public 

affairs in the colony of Connecticut, upon removing to 

Vermont he a^ once became' interested and active in the 

questions and controversies that were agitating the embryo 

6 



• . 10 -. ■ ■ y 

State, aad was soon called to stations of trust and responsi- '" 

bility. For a while he seems to have sympathized somewhat 
with those who favored the jurisdiction of New York. In i 

1776, he was twice chosen a delegate for the county of Cum- 1 

berland to the Provincial Congress of New York. That 
county then inciuded the greater part of what are now Wind- I 

ham and Windsor counties, and portions of Kutland and 
Bennington. It appears, however, that he was not present 
at the sessions of that Congress, except for a short time in '] 

the summer of that year. Notwithstanding that early ten- 
dency, he nevertheless favored and sustained the establish- 
ment of an independent State Government, and under it 
was elected the first Lieutenant-Governor. In the same year, 
1776, he was commissioned Colonel of the Northern, or " Up- 
per Regiment," (as it was then designated,) of Cumberland 
county. In the year 1777, on the call of Gen. Schuyler 
for reinforcements for Gen. St. Clair, when Burgoyne was 
approaching Ticonderoga, Col. Marsh marched thither with 
the quota required from his regiment. But the fortress had 
been evacuated before he was able to reach St. Clair's army. 

I have recently received a letter from the Hon. Roswell 
Marsh, of Steubenville, Ohio, a grandson of Governor Joseph 
Marsh, who was born and brought up in the same family 
with his grandfather, and was eighteen years old wlien his 
grandfather died in 1811. From his recollection of conver- 
sations in the family, in which the grandfather, with various 
other persons, freely participated, touching the early events 
of revolutionary and state history, he is certain that his 
grandfather, who was then the colonel of a militia regiment, 



11 - 

was present and took part in the battle of Bennington, as 
were also two of his brothers and one of his sons. Mr. 
Marsh's memory aiid convictions are entitled to great reli- 
ance. He is one of the marked men of the family, and has 
been for many years one of the ablest and most honored 
men of the Ohio bar. He has recently retired from profes- 
sional practice with public demonstrations of reverence and 
respect for his ability and his worth. I have the memoran- 
dum of a note from Governor Hall, in which he says he 
thinks that Col. Marsh was not at that battle, but that he 
may have been subsequently in the service on the Hudson. 
I propose to file Mr. Marsh's letter, or a copy of it, in . the 
archives of this Society. It is valuable as a graphic memo- 
rial sketch of its distinguished subject. (^See Appendix.') 

After the battle of Bennington, Colonel Marsh aided 
in the rear of the army of Burgoyne in cutting off his com- 
munication with Canada. 

Although Colonel Marsh had been somewhat identified 
with the interests of New-York, he was a member of the 
convention that met at Windsor on the 4th of June, 1777, 
and which elaborately set forth the reasons for separating 
Vermont from New-York, the members re-affirming the 
Declaration of Independence made at Westminster in the 
next previous January, and«solemnly pledging themselves to 
each other to maintain their new and independent state 
organization, and to resist by force of arms the fleets and 
armies of Great Britain. At this convention the name of 
the State was changed from " New Connecticut " to Ver- 
mont. He was also elected a member of the convention 



12 

which adopted the State Constitution, at Windsor, on the 3d 
— 4th of July of the same year. 

Colonel Marsh reprej>ented Hartford in the first General 
Assembly under the State Constitution, in 1778. He had 
been the same year a candidate on the popular vote for the 
office of Lieutenant-Governor. On the meeting of the Legis- 
lature, a count was made of the votes for State officers while 
the returns were incomplete. Upon that count it was sup- 
posed that he had not been elected. Thereupon the Assem- 
bly proceeded to elect him to that office. It turned out, 
however, that he had in fact been elected by the people. 
By virtue of that office he was President of the Court of 
Confiscation for the eastern half of the State. At the next 
October session, the Assembly discarded the towns on the 
New Hampshire side of Connecticut river that had been 
admitted to a union with Vermont by the vote of a majority 
of the towns in Vermont and the vote of the Assembly in 
June of that year. Governor Marsh regarded that action 
to be a breach of faith, and he opposed and protested against 
it. In consequence of a change iu public sentiment on that 
subject, he was not elected Lieutenant-Governor the next year. 
He was, however, elected to that office in 1787, 17^8, and 
1789. In the interim he represcjited Hartford several years 
in the General Assembly. He was also for twelve years 
chief judge of Windsor County Court. In addition to his 
official note, he was widely known as an active and consis- 
tent Christian, and a liberal supporter of the religious and 
benevolent objects of his day. He died at the age of 
eighty-five years, Honored and long remembered for his 



13 

noble character, and his life of vigorous activity and effec- 
tive beneficence. His home in Hartford was the scene of 
a hearty and generous hospitality, and was tlie birthplace 
of a large family of children and grandchildren, among 
whom were the James, and Leonard, and Roswell, already 
named. 

.As before intimated, Charles ^larsh, on the maternal 
side, was descended fronrMajor John Mason, wlio, in 1731, or 
1732, emigrated from England to Dorchester, in Massachu- 
setts. After short residences in several places in that colony 
and in Connecticut, he settled permanently in Norwich, Con- 
necticut. For many years he took a conspicuous part in the 
civil and military affairs of the Colony. He was entrusted 
with the enterprise of putti'ig a quietus upon the terrific and 
troublesome Pequot Indians, and he did it in the most effec- 
tual and lasting manner. ^ 

Colonel Jeremiah Mason, of Lebanon, Connecticut, and 
his sister Dorothy, were of his descendants. .Colonel Jere- 
miah was the fatlier of the eininent lawyer of the same name 
who died in Boston in Xovember, 1848, at the age of eighty 
years. Dorothy, in 1750, became the wife of our Governor 
Joseph Marsh, and fifteen years later she became the mother 
of Charles, our present theme, who was the senior of his 
coUsin Jeremiah ^lason by about three years. In many 
mental and professional traits they bore a strong likeness. 
Throughout their long lives they kept up the most friendly 
and intimate intercourse. 

When* his father removed to tiartford, in 1773, Charles 
was a feeble boy, and thought to be unable to endure the 



' 14 

first year of border life in tlie forests of New Connecticut, 
as Vermont was then called. He was therefore left in the 
family of his sister, Mrs. Rockwell, in Lebanon, till the next 
year. He was then carried on horseback behind his mother 
to the family home in Hartford. In reply to some question- 
ings of mine, he once humorously said that when the family 
moved to Vermont, he was so puny he was thought to be 
not worth the bringing, and so he was left behind for a year. 
• He was then brought on ; but proving worthless for any 
practical use at home, he was sent to college. 

Mr. Marsh established himself in Woodstock in 1789. In 
1786 the legislature had designated Woodstock as the shire 
of Windsor county. In 1787 it was enacted that the courts 
should be held at Windsor till the court-house should be 
built by the inhabitants of Woodstock to the acceptance of 
the judges of the county court. In 1790 it was enacted 
that the courts should sit alternately at Windsor and Wood- 
stock, with tliis curious proviso : '.' Provided always, and 
this grant is upon this express condition, that the court- 
house in said Woodstock, and the court-house in said Wind- 
sor, shall be finished by the respective towns, free of any 
expense to said county, and furnished with good iron stoves, 
to the acceptance of the judges of the supreme court, be- 
fore the next stated term of that court in said county." A 
somewhat singular contingency on which to leave the matter 
of having any courts at all in the county to depend. In 
1791 it was enacted that the act making said two shires 
should remain in force for three years after the passing of 
tlie same, after which Woodstock should be and remain as 
the shire town in said county. 



15 

When Woodstock was first designated as the shire, what 
now constitutes the main and most beautiful portions of the 
village was owned by Capt. Israel Richardson, and was 
called his farm. 

On the 29th of May, 1787, he conveyed to the county, by 
metes and bounds, what are now the public grounds and park 
in that village. In the meantime the building of a court- 
house was in progress, and bad proceeded so far as to ena- 
ble courts to be held in it ; but. before it was finished it was 
burned in 1791. Thereupon another was built upon a dif- 
ferent location. In 1789, within what is now the village, 
besides the rudiments of a court-house, the only buildings 
were a tavern, put up by Capt. Richardson, " to accommo- 
date court folks " — four dwelling-houses, a dilapidated grist 
and saw-mill that had been built in 1776 — and a 30 by 40 
feet .barn, in which Rev. Aaron Hutchinson, father of the 
late chief judge Titus Hutchinson, gathered the first church 
in town. All that constitutes Elm street and 'its contiguous 
grounds and houselots, was an unbroken forest, and re- 
mained such for a littlf^ while after, when it was purchased 
by Mr. Marsh for £1000, and opened for improvement. 

On going to Woodstock in 1789, and for a portion of that 
year, while he was building a dwelling-house for himself on 
the north side of Queeche River, near where he built his 
brick mansion in 1805, 1806, and 1807, he boarded at a 
farm-house about a mile out of the present limits of the vil- 
lage. He got to his office by a route of more than two 
miles — twice crossing the river — once by a ford way, and 
walking over a road with here and there a dwelling-house, 



16 

on lands that were in the beginnings of being converted into 
farms. In the early years of his professional life his place 
of worship was a log meeting-house on the summit of a hill, 
outside of the limits of the village, and some three-fourths of 
a mile from his dwelling-house. The Rev. Mr. Daman, an 
orthodox congregationalist, was the minister. At this pe- 
riod the principal part of the population of the town was in 
the southern and western sections — the village being in the 
north-eastern, and near the north line! Such, in brief, was 
the local habitation to which Mr. Marsh resorted as a young 
lawyer, with the fortunes of a life for himself, a youthful 
wife and prospective family depending on the man he was, 
and should prove himself to be. 

By recurring to the dockets of the courts in Windsor 
county in 1790, it appears xhat the leading lawyers in the 
county were Stephen Jacob and Amasa Paine of Windsor, 
and Daniel Buck of Norwich. Several other established 
lawyers, some residing in, and some out of the county, were 
doing more or less of the business. On the old docket of 
the May term of the county court of that year, Mr. Marsh's 
name is entered in eighteen of one hundred and thirty-live 
cases. On the docket of new entries his name appears for 
the plaintiff in sixteen of the seventy-nine cases, and for the 
defendant in five cases. The names of Chipman, Bradley, 
and Tyler appear occasionally — being Nathaniel Chipman, 
Stephen R. Bradley, and Royal Tyler — all then prominent 
in the profession, and afterwards in official life. The county 
court was then composed of Gov. Joseph Marsh — father of 
Charles — Chief Judge, Elias Weld and Elijah Robinson, 



17 

Assistant Judges. The supreme court from October, 1789, 
to October, 1791, was composed of Xatlianiel Chipman, 
Noah Suiith, and Samuel Kniglit. 

From such beginnings Mr. Marsh and the county seat grew 
apace. The establishment of tlie sliire was matter of strong 
controversy between the interests that favored 'the older 
town of Windsor on the one hand, and Woodstock on the 
other. The act of 1786, designating Woodstock as the shire, 
did not quiet the matter, as is evinced by the subsequent 
legislation already referred to, continuing down to 1791. 
In the controversy that was on foot when Mr. Marsh located 
himself in Woodstock he at once vigorously enlisted. He 
told me that one object he had in making his home in Wood- 
stock -was to do what, and the utmost that he could to 
establish the county seat in that phice, and to build up a 
village that would be eligible and pleasant to reside in as a 
home. Woodstock as the county seat, and as a village for 
residence and business, bears witness, in its history and 
character, to the success that attended the efforts in those 
respects, in which Mr. Marsh was recognized by all as the 
leading man. 

The fact may not be without interest that the interposi 
"tion of the Legislature was invoked to enable Mr. Marsh to 
get admitted to the Bar in Vermont. By an act of 1787 
no person could be licensed by either the County or Supreme 
Court to practice law in this State, unless'he had previously 
studied three years with a licensed uttorney of the State, 
and on examination by the Court — a deduction of one year 
7 



18 

being made in case the applicant had obtained the degree of 
Bachelor of Arts in some university or college. Various 
surmises were rife as to the motives of some leading law- 
yers in the State, who bad prompted the enactment of that 
provision of the law. On graduating at Dartmouth College, 
in 1786, Mr. Marsh went at once to the celebrated law 
school of Tapping Reeve, in Litchfield, Connecticut. Excuse 
the interpolation of an incident. His outfit was an old 
mare, saddle, and bridle, with which to perform the jour- 
ney, and three dollars in money, with which to pay the 
expenses, and they were adequate to both purposes. The 
extent of his wardrobe may be inferred from the fact that 
after arriving and taking up his quarters in a family for 
board, the woman of the house noticed that he constantly 
wore his surtout. On asking why he did not lay it off, she 
was frankly informed that it was the only coat he had. The 
old mare, saddle, and bridle, were turned to the account of 
paying expenses at the school. 

After completing the prescribed course of study in that 
school, he was admitted to the Bar in the State of Connecti- 
cut. On returning home in the fall of 1788, he found that 
the law regulating the admission of attorneys, as it existed 
when he left home under the statute of 1779, had been 
changed by the act of 1787, and that he was thereby 
excluded from the Bar of Vermont until he 'should have 
studied two years more with some licensed attorney in this 
State. This becoming known to prominent men in Windsor 
and Orange counties, a vigorous memorial wa-s preferred to 
"the Legislature at the October session of 1788, whereupon 



19 

the following act was passed. Mr. Marsh was exaramed 
and admitted to the Bar soon after its passage. 

"Passed Oct. 17tb. ITSS." — "An act to operate as a proviso to an 
act, entitled an act for the appointment and regulating attorneys 
and pleadings at the bar. 

" Whereas, Charles ISIarsh, of Hirtford, in the county of T\"ind- 
sor, and State of Vermont, after having acquired a public education 
with a view of becoming an attorney-at-la\v in this State, has been 
at expenses of a regular course of study of law in the State of 
Connecticut, and has there been admitted an attorney at the bar : 
And whereas, since the said Marsh commenced the study of law as 
afore'said, an act has been passed prohibiting the admission of 
attorneys in the State, unless they shall have studied a certain 
time with a practicing attorney in this State : 

" Therefore, It is hereby enacted by the General Assembly of the 
j State of Yermont, that nothing in that clause of said act referred 

to in the preamble of this act, shnll.be construed to extend to said 
i Marsh, but any of the Courts in the State are hereby impowered 

{ to admit and appoint him a regular attorney-at-law, agreeable to 

A the known rules and customs of such Court, any thing in said act 

' I contained to the contrary notwithstanding." 

[I Mr. Marsh graduated at the age of twenty-one years. He 

,| was admitted to. the Bar in his twenty-fourth year, and set- 

tled in Woodstock as before stated. 



\) 



I am able to allude to only two facts as indicating his 
character and standing as a student in college. In his col- 
lege days the Valedictory Orator was chosen by the graduat- 
ing class. ^Ir. Marsh and Asahel Huntington were the 
only candidates for the honor. Huntington was elected by 
the casting vote of Mr. Marsh. 

The other fact is (and it was told me by Mr. Marsh him- 
self) that he was deputed by the students of Dartmouth to 
obtain from Harvard College a charter for the New-Hamp- 



20 

shire Alpha of the Phi Beta Kappa Society in Dartmouth 
College. To do this he performed the journey from Hano- 
ver to Cambridge on horseback. That Alpha was organized 
in 1787, and he was one of the six, out of a class of twenty- 
five, that were elected members of the Society. Then, as 
now, the rule was that only one-third of any class should be 
eligible — that third to be selected with reference to rank 
and ability as scholars. Of him as a student in the law 
school, I know of no traditions. By his favor I am the for- 
tunate owner of several volumes of manuscript exercises 
and notes written by himself, as part of the course of his 
instruction and training as a student of the law. They 
show that the law was taught as a systematized science, 
in its principles, technical rules, and practice, and that in 
the entire course, he was most faitliful, laborious, and pains- 
taking. 

His rapid rise to a commanding position in the courts of 
the county, as well as his appointment (the first in the State) 
to the office of District Attorney, by President Washington 
— which office he held till ^[r. Jefferson came into the Pres- 
idential chair — indicate very pointedly, that both as a stu- 
dent and a young practitioner, he assiduously prosecuted 
and successfully mastered the learning of the law. 

At an unusually early period of liis life as a lawyer, he 
came to take rank with the most eminent al)ility of the i)ar, 
and his services were sought in nearly all parts of the State 
in the most important litigation, both in the courts of the 
State and of the United States. As he was approaching 
the maturity of his manhood, he was recognized as primus 



21 

inter pares, and for many years the first rank was accorded 
to him by general consent. 

He, however, was subjected to the common lot and fate of 
mere professional ability and rank in this country, and, to 
a large extent, in all countries, as shown and attained in the 
practice of the law. The lawyer's etlbrts are made in the 
service of his client, in private consultation, in secluded 
study and investigation, in elaborate and tedious prepara- 
tion. His open displays are made in the unthronged forum 
of the court-room. Often his most masterly strokes of power 
and exhibitions of learning are only witnessed by an audi- 
ence made up of the judges, the opposing counsel, sometimes 
the anxious parties, a few indilierent lawyers, and equally few 
less appreciative and more indifferent laymen. Sometimes, 
indeed, he has the good fortune of a larger audience, when 
some exciting cause of wider interest calls in tlie crowd to 
witness a jury trial. But even then the interest is confined 
to that audience. It dies with the occasion. The only rec- 
ord or memorialof the effort made, and the ability displayed, 
is the evanescent impression produced upon those who wit- 
nessed it ; and that, beyond the time and the occasion, 
passes at most into a vague tradition that hardly survives to 
the next generation. 

Having been the student, and for a year the partner of 
Mr. Marsh, and intimate in my association with him for the 
last ten years of his life, I had an interest to avail myself of 
opportunities for learning what I could of his professional 
career and character, — and what I could of the character- 
izing incidents and features of his efforts as a lawyer. 



22 

When I became liis student, in A'ugust, 1839, he was 
passing through his seventy-fourth year. While I remained 
in his office he was engaged mainly in a few cases of impor- 
tance in the Supreme Court and Court of Chancery. 

He participated in a few jury trials, but did not take the 
burden and responsibility of putting in the evidence and 
making the leading argument. His last great argument to a 
jury was made for the plaintiff in June, 1839, w4ien he w^as a 
month less than seventy-four years of age. It was in the fa- 
mous slander suit of Skinner v. Grant — a Universalist against 
a Baptist clergyman. He encountered, as leading counsel for 
the defendant, Hon. Samuel S. Phelps, who had recently 
passed from the Bench of the Supreme Court to the Senate 
of the United States, and who \Vas then in the primal matu- 
rity of his wonderful intellectual powers, and was the fore- 
Diost man of his generation at the Bar of Vermont. The 
venerable barrister bore from the field the wreath of vic- 
tory, while the younger combatant retired with honorable 
w^ounds, but aching from the blows he received in return for 
those he gave. 

For the three years and more of my occupancy of the same 
office with him, Mr. Marsh was habitually at his office table 
in his armed rocking-chair soon after breakfast, and 
remained till the hour for dinner, and again soon after 
dinner, and remained 'till the hour for tea. When not 
occupied with some matter of lousiness, he was reading the 
current public journals, or making interesting and instruc- 
tive conversation on important subjects, and especially sub- 
jects appertaining to the law, remarking largely upon the 



23 

legislative and judicial history of the State, and interspers- 
ing grapliic sketches of the marked men of the bar and 
bench, and illustrating by incident and anecdote. During 
that period, Judge Collamer was a member of the Supreme 
Court. His residence was near Mr. Marsh's office. When 
at home in vacation, it was his custom to frequent the office 
and discuss witli !Mr. Marsh the cases before the Court, and 
thus get the benefit of his suggestions and views upon im- 
portant subjects of the law\ 

From all my sources of knowledge and judgment, I may 
confidently say that Mr. Marsh was endowed with the high- 
est order and best quality of intellectual gifts, and tliat they 
were faithfully developed and cultivated by the studies and 
discipline of the best classical and professional schools of 
his day, and were further continuou>^ly developed and culti- 
vated, sharpened, and refined, by the most studious, system- 
atic, and vigorous pursuit of the law by him as a practitioner. 
For breadth and profoundness of comprehension, for keen- 
ness and subtilty of discrimination, for rapidity and justness 
of analysis, for clearness, strength, and force of logical ar- 
gumentation, for efiecliveness in advocacy, as well as for a 
thorough, appreciative, and practical familiarity with all the 
artificial technicalities of the law, he was long recognized by 
bench and bar as having no superior, and, for all those qual- 
ities in combination, as having no equal. 

His lawyership was of a type and quality that are less prev- 
alent in recent than in former times. It was the result of a 
profound study and masiery of the law, not only in its defin- 
itions, propositions, rules, and technicalities, but in its prin- 



24 

ciples, and reasons, and logic, — a study that not only stored 
the mind with knowledge, but trained it to the most patient 
application, to the largest and most facile compreliension, 
to astuteness in discrim.ination and distinction, to subtilty 
and point in reasoning, — a study where a knowledge of the 
law was necessary in order to enable one to get tolerably on 
in practice, — where kn^icledg'e and mental effort were not 
substituted by digests, and leading cases, and specitic trea- 
tises, and reports whose name is legion, to which resort is 
had for some pat dictum^ or some case in point. Then the 
library of most country' practitioners contained no digest but 
Comyn's, few text-books but Coke on Littleton, Bacon's 
Abridgement, Hale's or Hawkins' Pleas of the Crown, and 
Blackstone's Commentaries ; no books on Pleadings but 
some brief hand-book of practice, Lillies' Entries, and Saun- 
ders' Reports. A comparison of the -Bar in past generations 
with it in the present suffices for commentary as to the prac- 
tical result of the modes of achieving the old lawyership 
and the new, and indicates quite decisively which mode has 
produced the abler, larger, more reliable, more accomplished, 
and higher style of professional men. 

Iq legal drafting and special pleadings he was a consum- 
mate master. I was told by the late Chief Judge Royce, 
who knew Mr. Marsh well in the zenith of his professional 
eminence, that not unfrequently the court would advise less 
skilled lawyers, whose cases had got swamped in the entan- 
glements of inartificial pleading, to seek the aid of Mr. 
Marsh in extricating and putting them in techincal form and 
on the proper footing, and that he never failed of doing it in 



25 

the best maimer. For tlie. characterizing qualities thus iudi- 
cated, he attained and held his higli position iii the estimation 
of the profession and the courts. The more general appre- 
ciation of him, however, was due -to his marked qualities as 
an advocate. In these modern days it can hardly be un- 
derstood that the most eftective advocate that the bar of the 
State has produced, (unless perhaps David Edmunds, in his 
brief and brilliant career, be excepted as his peer,) was 
hardly ever known to address a court or jury in a speech of 
an hour long. It can hardly be understood that he never 
undertook to play the orator, or to tickle untutored ears, or 
astonish rustic minds by the utterance of things beautiful 
and grand, with momentous emphasis, and thrilling modula- 
tions. His voice was small, almost feeble. The audience 
had to listen to understand what he was saying. He talked 
to the court and jury only, not heeding anybody outside. 
He talked quietly and without any considerable gesticula- 
tion. What there was of gesture was mainly by a signifi- 
cant and almost speaking use of the forefinger of his right 
hand. He addressed himself to courts and juries for the 
sole purpose of securing the verdict and judgment for his 
client. He mainly spoke to their understandings, reason, 
and judgment, with such adaptations to their emotional na- 
ture as would be likely to facilitate their arrival at the re- 
sult he desired. The explanation of his short addresses is, 
that he selected as the subject of discussion only the points 
•i^ \ that would control in the decision to be made. The minor 

; ■ and less material points he never presented himself, nor 

' replied to when presented by his adversary. He took his 

8 



26 



stand upon the fewest points possible, and trusted the result 
to his success in maintaining them. He presented the case, '■ 

thus eliminated of all its trashy margin of bewildering du- 
biosity to the easy comprehension of the tribunal, and urged ''/ 
his view.s with a force of logic and a plausibility of reason 5; 
that, in great measure, excluded from the judging minds 1 
he was addressing the entertainment of auy counter views f 
of the case. Clear in his own views, he presented them so | 
clearly and with such point, that other minds were clear in 
their apprehension of them ; and what they so clearly saw 
and appreciated, they would be very likely to be satisfied 
with adopting and acting on, rather than on other views, 
more vague, less clear, less clearly apprehended, and of 
course less influential, and less reliable as the ba^is of a find- 
ing and decision of the matters in controversy. Judge Royce 
once told me of an instance quite in point, of which he was 
witness and participant. After the close of the last war 
with Great Britain, not a few of the leading business men 
of the State sought to improve their fortunes by illicit trade 
with Canada. The result was that, under Judge Hutchin- 
son, as United States District Attorney, several of them 
were prosecuted at the same tim.e. Each retained some 
leading member of the bar as his counsel for advice and de- 
fence. In this way most of the eminent lawyers of the State 
were thus employed, Judge Royce and Mr. Marsh being of 
the number. As the respective clients stood in the same 
peril, and upon the same grounds of law and evidence, they 
and their counsel put heads together and made common 
cause in the matter of defense. The cases were to be 
brought on for trial at a term of the United States Court 



27 

at Windsor. The accused with their counsel all appeared. 
It was understood that the District Attorney was to bring 
on a particular case for trial, as a test case. Thereupon 
counsel held a consultation to arrange the field management 
of the battle. Mr. Marsh was selected to make the argu- 
ment for ihe defense. The trial proceeded. The evidence 
seemed to be ample for securing a conviction. The District 
Attorney opened the argument to the jury with exulting con- 
fidence. When he sat down, said Judge R., the jury seemed 
to have sealed their verdict ; and when Mr. Marsh arose 
they seemed to say to him by their manner that they did not 
feel complimented by his undertaking to argue in defence. 
He said that himself and his associates were wondering 
what Mr. Marsh could say upon the evidence by way of ar- 
gument against a conviction of the respondent. He, how- 
ever, began, and had not proceeded long when one juryman 
and then another began to show attention, and the audience 
began to grow hushed. Soon the attention of the jury be- 
came absorbed and eager, as also did that of court and bar 
and audieuce. The jurymen leaned forward in their seats. 
Their eyes became kindled and strained, and their mouths 
ajar. He went through his speech and sat down. Judge 
'-i^\ Hutchinson arose to reply, but he had been completely un- 
horsed by the argument of Mr. Marsh. He was unable to 
collect and bring his ideas to bear. He made a few- inco- 
herent remarks and sat down — virtually abandoning his case 
as in a kind of despair. After a brief charge from the 
• court, the jury retired ; but they soon returned with a ver^ 
diet of not guilty. 



28 

I venture to relate another instance, in which Mr. Marsh 
once said to me that his argument was the most satisfactory 
to himself of any he ever made. A Mrs. Lamphear and 
her son were jointly indicted for the murder of ihe son's 
wife. The belief was general that they were guilty of the 
act, and a large proportion of the community had fore- 
doomed them to the gallows. 

They were very poor, and very degraded and despical'le ; 
and this seemed to give point and conclusive force in the 
•public mind to whatever might be construed into evidence 
of their guilt. They had in vain sou;^ht the aid of the law- 
yers in the county, who were accustom.ed to confJuct trials 
in court. Such was ^Ir. Marsh's character and standing 
that they had not ventured to apply to him. He heard of 
their inability to procure the aid of counsel, and tlie reason 
intimated was the force of public sentiment against the 
accused. Thereupon he volunteered to defend them. ' 

The day of trial came, and the court-house and the town 
were thronged by the multitudes, who were interested to aid 
by their presence in securing the conviction of those whose 
guilt was in their minds beyond a doubt. The trial was 
long and tedious, and through the whole the clamor for their 
condemnation was brought to bear to influence the result. 
The evidence was closed and the argument was made in 
behalf of the State. The Court took its recess for dinner. 
Mr. Marsh made his argument for the defence on the com- 
ing in of the Court in the afternoon. His first object was 
to counteract in the minds oC tlie jury the outside pressure 
and influence of the strong prejudice and clamor against the 
respondents. ' 



\ 




I 



29 

have autheatic knowledi^e of his ODeiiino* sentences. 



"Gentlemen of the Jury, I know that my clients are poor and 
mean, wicked and criminal, and that they ought to be hung. I 
have no manner of doubt that they have d.one enough a thousand 
times over richly to entitle them to the gallows. But, gentlemen, 
that is not the question. 

'•They stand charged before you with having done a specific 
act ; and yoiF sit there under the oath of God to say from the evi- 
dence given you in court, whether you find beyond a reasonable 
doubt that they have done that specific act ; and if you, in passing 
upon that question, permit any consideration aside from the evi- 
dence given you in court to infiuence you in the slightest degree 
in the verdict you shall render, you will as richly deserve the state 
prison as they deserve the gallows." 

This pretty distinctly presented to the minds of the Jury 
their position and their duty. How different in its effect 
from what would have been any deprecation of the preva- 
lent clamor, or attempted apology or extenuation for the 
despicable character of his clients. After that opening, he 
proceeded to argue the case upon the evidence, as bearing 
upon the real matter in issue under the indictmeat. The 
accused were acquitted ; and it was afterwards universally 
conceded that the acquittal was right. 

Excuse me for relating another instance. 

In the latter days of Judge Collamer's practice, before 
going upon the Bench in 1803, and when he had succeeded 
to the leadership, from which ^[r. ]\Iarsh was receding as 
old age was supervening upon his great powers, he was 
employed to, take the burden of defending a person indicted 
for a grave offence. Mr. Marsh was called in as advisory 
counsel. It was a case of great importance and interest. 



30 

Mr. Marsh, however, was not expected, nor was he expect- 
ing, to take part in the argument. Nevertheless, after the 
evidence was closed, Judge Collanier requested him to make 
some remarks by way of opening the defence to the jury. 
He consented to do so, and proceeded with one of his brief 
and characteristic arguments. I was told of the scene by a 
very intelligent and appreciative witness of it. As Mr. 
Marsh was proceeding, Judge Collamer sat looking intently 
and unconsciously into Mr. Marsh's face — his own becoming 
pale and eager. The crowded audience Avere hushed, every 
one inclining forward as if almost drawn from his seat by 
the intensity of his interest and emotion — some sobbing, 
and all in tears. At the close. Judge Collamer arose, and 
said to the jury that he had expected to address them in 
behalf of his client, but after the argument that had just 
been made, he could not pardon himself if he should 
imperil his client's cause by attempting to add anything by 
way of argument in his defence, and then resumed his seat. 
Let these instances suffice for specific illustration ; but 
pardon another reference to Judge Royce. 
. In a protracted conversation, with which he favored me a 
few years ago, he dwelt particularly upon Mr. Marsh's pro- 
fessional qualities and character, and illustrated them by 
relating many incidents that had fallen within his own per- 
sonal observation. He said that, for resources and adroit- 
ness in conducting the trial of a cause, he surpassed any 
lawyer he ever knew, — that he had seen instances in which, 
as the trial was proceeding, the current seemed to be irre- 
sistible against him, and his defeat was seeming certain, 



31 

when, all at once, as if bj some magical sleight, the current 
would be reversed, and bear him to a successful result. 
And he said, in summing up, that what was very rare and 
remarkable, Mr. Marsh equally excelled in every depart- 
ment of the law; and, taken for all in all, as a practitioner 
of the law, he was the ablest man he had ever known, either 
in the State or out of it. 

Those who knew Judge Royce — liow judicious and judi^ 
cial he was in all his views and opinions, how discriminat- 
ing and how just, and at the same time how free from 
enthusiasm in his favorable judgments of men, will reaard 
his judgment concerning Mr. Marsh as entitled to confidence 
and respect. 

I turn now to say something of Mr. Marsh in his personal, 
as distinguished from his professional character. Possessing 
such strength, and. scope, and brilliancy of mind as are in- 
dicated by his great professional ability and success, he ^vas 
not merely a lawyer. Though not distiDguished for his at- 
tainments in science or refinement in literary culture, he was 
largely conversant with all subjects that would grace the 
high-bred lawyer and citizen, who felt an impelling interest, 
and took an active part in everything that affected the na- 
tion, the state, the church, and society. His cast and habits 
of mind led him in the direction of political, ethical and 
theological readings rather than of the classic prose and 
poetry of his mother tongue. In the departments first 
named he was eminently versed. Few men stood more in- 
telligently upon clear and well defined principles, or could 
maintain themselves with larger resources of fact and force 



32 

of argument. He was hardly less a theologian than a law- 
yer. In politics he was a Federalist of the school of Wash- 

• ington, and thus- he lived and died, without '• shadow of 
turning." He was a valiant champion of the elder Adams 
till he made terms and entered into social fellowship with 
his arch enemy and unscrupulous maligner, Thomas Jeffer- 
son. Thenceforward he held him in unspeakable contempt. 
He profoundly despised John Quincy Adams after his early 
treason to his father by joining hands with Mr. Jefferson iu 
politics. 

In theology he was aCalvinistof the Edwards school, and 
was earnest for that faith as embodied and represented in 
the orthodox congregational creeds. From his middle life 

^ to his death he was a professing, earnest, and sincere Chris- 
tian — contributing largely of his means and his personal 

-efforts to all enterprises" judiciously adapted to the spread 
and prevalence of the religion of the Bible. He gave to 
his parish the site for the meeting-house and the parsonage. 
He was a strong pillar and a faithful worker in the Church 
of which he was a member, and very efficient m staying up 
the hands of the ministry. He participated freely in the 
conference and prayer-meetings. 

He was a corporate member of the American Board 
for Foreign Missions from the year 1818. He was one 
of the founders, and for many years, was President of 
the Vermont Bible Society. He was also Vice President 
of the American Bible Society, and of the American Edu- 
cation Society. He was also one of the early members, 
and most interested patrons of the American Colonization 
Society. 



33 

Mr. Marsh was an intelligent and faithful patron of sound 
learning, and was recognized as such at an early period of 
his life. In 1809 he became a member of the Board of 
Trustees of Dartmouth College, and held the place for forty 
years, and till he was removed by deatli. He came into the 
Board at an important epoch in the history of that institu- 
tion. The administration of the President, John Wheelock, 
who had then held the office for thirty years, was causino- 
great concern to some of the Trustees. Yet the majority 
was, as their predecessors had been, subservient to the views 
and wishes of the President — giving a formal and unques- 
tioning assent and ratification to all his policy and practical 
measures. As the son, heir, and successor of Dr. Eleazer 
Wheelock, the founder and first President of the College, 
he conceived, and was apparently acting upon the idea, that 
although, under the charter, the College was a public elee- 
mosynary corporation, yet it was in reality a corporation 
sole, and he was the sole corporator. His course of admin- 
istration in reference to all its interests seemed to indicate 
that he regarded it as really a private foundation, in the 
benefits of which the public might share under such a practi- 
cal governance as to him should seem meet, and that it was 
his right to subordinate the public interests to his own per- 
sonal views and purposes. Judge Elijah Paine, of this 
State, had become a Trustee in 1806. He and some other 
of the Trustees were disposed to change that course and 
tendency of the Presidential administration. Mr. Marsh 
added to their number, and gave the preponderance against 
the policy and course of the President. Measures were 
9 



34 

adopted and events were in train that, bj gradual progres- 
sion, culminated in 1815 in tlie dismissal of the President 
from his office. In the meantime, and following thereupon, 
through the instrumentality of the President, aided by his 
partisan friends, the interposition of the Legislature was 
secured, and the College, under the charter, was supplanted 
by a University under a legislative act of incorporation. 
Thereupon ensued scenes of controversy, attended with more 
or less of warlike demonstrations and violence, which gave 
occasion for, and resulted in, the famous " Dartmouth Col- 
lege Case." 

At an early day, and from time to time, this State had 
been a larger pecuniary benefactor to the College than even 
the State of New Hampshire. The town of Wheelock, in 
1785, was donated to the College by act of our State Legis- 
lature ; and there were several other smaller grants of land. 
This State then, as it ever since has, furnished a considerable 
proportion of the students to the College, — now indeed 
furnishing about one-fourth of the entire number in the College 
proper. In those days, Vermont was deemed to be worthy 
and entitled to have an influential and efficient representation 
in the Board of Trustees. Such men as Nathaniel Niles, 
Stephen Jacob, Elijah Paine, Charles Marsh, and Samuel 
Prentiss were her representatives. The first four were for 
many years members at the same time. Judge Paine, Mr. 
Marsh, and Judge Prentiss were members together for some 
years. The quota of Vermont is now reduced to one. The 
first four were members during all the period of the origin, 
progress, and culmination of the great controversy ; and they 



16X^0189 

35 

were of the most active and most effective in carrjino- it 
through to a successful triumph for the College, as against 
the removed President and the University. 

I had hoped to be able on this occasion to develope with 
considerable particularity and fulness the position and part 
that Mr. Marsh maintained in that matter. But I must 
content myself with saying, in brief, that he was the leading 
brain and pen of that Board in the conduct of the warfare 
in behalf of the College. In professional learning and 
ability he was eminently superior to any other member of 
the Board during that period. His pen for attack and 
defence was the most pointed and powerful. His fearless 
and uncompromising firmness, and his vigor of action in 
behalf of what he deemed the right, when great princi- 
ples of law and morals, and great public and personal 
interests were involved, distinguishingly fitted and desig- 
nated him as a foremost man in such a conjuncture in the 
affairs of the College. I have in my possession the printed 
'' Vlndlcatwyi of the Trustees " in answer to the " Sketches " 
and the "Review" of the sketches, covering eighty-two 
pages of large octavo, with an appendix of twenty-two 
pages more, which evinces the point and power of Mr. 
Marsh's pen. 

I have also in my possession copies of letters to Mr. 
Marsh from the eminent counsel, by whom the cause of the 
College was argued before the Superior Court of Xew 
Hampshire and the Supreme Court of the United States — 
Jeremiah Mason, Jeremiah Smith, Daniel Webster, and 
Tho. Hopkinson of Philadelphia, while the litigation was 



36 

f. 

in the process of being put on foot in proper form, and 
while it was pending for final, argument. These letters 
show that Mr. Marsh held equal rank witli them in weight 
of opinion in council, and was relied upon by them in devis- 
ing and carrying forward the measures that would bring the 
subject matter of the controversy to a material and decisive 
issue f[>r the judgment of the law thereupon. As he did not ^ 
participate in the final arguments in either of the courts, of 
course his name was not heralded by the published reports 
of " The Dartmouth College Case " ; — a noticeable instance, ■ 
showing how the most momentous and successful exertions 
of eminent professional learning and ability may have no ^ 
public audience, and no " trumpet that sings of fame." | 

As before remarked, Mr. Marsh continued to hold his | 
place as Trustee till removed by death in 1849. To the | 
last years of his life he was active, and exercised a control- i 
ling influence in the discharge of the duties of his office. | 

I have authentic assurance that, in all matters within the f 

I 
province of action by the Trustees, he was individually the I 

most pronounced and effective member of the Board. I i, 

know some instances in the latter years of his office in which I 

both President and Professors had, for some imputed delin- | 

quency, a moving experience of his personal interposition. | 

I dismiss this topic with saying that, next to his family, the l 

College was cherished by him as an otiject of affectionate | 

interest to the close of his life. I 

As a man in his individual personality — as a man, indi- | 

pendently of, and characterizing him in, his conventional | 

position and relations — domestic, social, professional and 

official — he was marked and noteworthy. 



37 

He was tall, more than six feet, of a well proportioned 
frame, spare of flesh, but not cadaverous — of a fine and 
sensitive nervous and muscular organization — of o-reat 
equipoise and self-control over a temper that was both sus- 
ceptible and strong. He was remarkably neat in his person 
and his dress. He always wore a suit of black. His coat 
retained the cut of earlier days and did not vary with the 
changing fashions. He wore a broad, white neckerchief, 
with his shirt collar folded down over it, and he adhered to 
the ruffled bosom to the last of his life. 

His mind was of the first order in quality and strength — 
quick, active, vigorous, and earnest — and was trained by 
study and use to the most facile action and effort. 

In his moral composition he was equally marked. His 
apprehension of right and wrong had no nimbus of dubiosity. 
The distinction between them in his mind was as by a line of 
fire issuing from an impassable gulf. What was settled in 
his mind as right, was right and nothing else. Though he 
was rapid in his mental and moral processes, he was rigor- 
ously cautious as to the correctness of his results. He 
endeavored by all his means to be sure that he stood on 
solid premises. He was careful that his reasonings should 
lack no element or feature of- sound and legitimate logic, 
nor be turned awry by impertinent influences. Upon his 
conclusions he stood immovably, fearlessly, and maintained 
himself with giant strength against all odds in controversy. 
He enjoyed some advantages in this respect, for he was 
so constituted, tempered and trained, that, provided he se- 
cured his own self-respect, he made no question with himself 



38 . • i 

how others might regard what he thought, or said, or did. 
Though he was not indifferent to the approbation and good 
opinion of others, he would only secure it as it might be oIh 
tained by his acting up to his own moral convictions. 
Hence he was plain and Outspoken on all subjects of inter- 
est — public, socia.l, and personal ; and though he was not { 
forward or intrusive — though his ordinary bearing in his ; 
intercourse with those around him was marked by a gentle .7 
modesty and a quiet gracefulness — still, he never compro- ; 
mised his opinions, or modified his expression of them, when 
he had occasion to make them known, from any considera- | 
tions of social complaisance or of personal delicacy. I 

With such clearness and strength of comprehension and f 
^conviction, it was natural, as was the fact, that he should I 
have a kind of imperiousness and impatience of manner 
which would be manifested as occasion should prompt ; and | 
often it bore discomfortingly upon those who became the I 
objects of it. Still, he was of delicate sensibilities, of a ! 
placable spirit, and a large, kind, and generous heart. 

Though his manner was controlled and free from boister- 
ousness when he was under the strongest excitement, still 
there was a power in it that told with strange efiect. In 
the prosecution of his moral convictions by word and act, 
the emotion of fear as to consequences never seemed to have 
been consciously felt by him. 

There was a period when it was pretty extensively 
thought that the judges of the supreme court were accus- 
tomed in their official administration to show favor to the 
parties and counsel who were of their own political faith, 



39 

and disfavor to those of a different cast. Those judges 
were*of a party to which Mr. Marsh did not belong. After 
some supposed experience in this respect, as Mr. Marsh was 
addressing the jury in behalf of a client whose politics v/ere 
obnoxious to the court, he admonished tlie jury that the pre- 
siding judge would be likely in his charge to do what he 
could to secure a verdict against his client, — but that they 
were sworn to find the facts from the evidence, and it was 
no part of the judge's province to meddle with that matter 
in his charge, — and in that respect it was their duty to dis- 
regard what the judge might say. The judge interrupted 
him, calling him to account, and intimated that he would 
commit him for contempt. Mr. Marsh quietly turned to- 
wards him, and extending his forefinger somewhat in the. 
direction of the judge's nose, said in a suppressed tone — 
" I defy you to do it. Your honor dare not do it." The 
judge quailed, and the argument proceeded. 

• There was another instance, when Judge Skinner — one 
of the most upright and able of our judges, — was presiding 
in the trial of a cause by jury, in which Mr. Marsh regarded 
it of great importance to make a searching cross-examina- 
tion of an adversary witness. 

As he was proceeding, the judge somewhat impatiently 
interposed, indicating by his manner that he thought Mr. 
Marsh was going beyond the limits of propriety. He ex- 
plained to the court the propriety of what he was doing, 
and proceeded with his cross-examination. Soon the judge 
interrupted him again, and again Mr. Marsh explained, and 
was proceeding as before. Again the judge interposed still 



Oi'.i :i, 



■I'.l 



4.0 

more pointedly, and with somewhat of menace in his man- 
ner. Mr. Marsh thereupon arose, and, with his arms folded 
across his breast, addressed himself to the judge in a man- 
ner of cool and overmastering fearlessness, amounting al- 
most to defiant boldness, in the assertion of what he deemed 
his right, and said, " I have made known to the court the 
reason of the course I am pursuing. I regard it important 
to the rights and interests of my client that I should be j>er- 
mitted to proceed. In my long experience in the courts. I 
think I have learned what are my rights, as v/ell as what 
are my duties both towards my client and the courj, and I 
have self-respect enough to insist upon the one and perform 
the other, and I am in no need of being instructed by the 
court as to either. I will thank your honor not to interrupt 
me again while I am undertaking to cross-examine this wit- 
ness." The cross-examination proceeded, and the judge did 
not interrupt him again, The result was that the witness 
was shown from his own mouth to have been false and lying 
in the testimony he had given. 

For one so highly endowed with powers that would have 
enabled him to shine in the high offices of the State and Xa- 
tion, and with full consciousness of those powers, he was 
most remarkably free from that cast of ambition which almost 
uniformly inspires such men with a desire for such offices. 
He never held but two offices depending on the popular 
vote. He was member of the 14th Congress (lSl.3-1817). 
He was nominated against his will and protest, and after he 
had left Montpelier, wdiere had assembled several self-com- 
missioned leading politicians to designate a candidate. He 



41 

did not heed instructions in his official action, but voted ac- 
cording to the dictates of his own judgment in the discharge 
of his sworn public duty. Among other things that were not 
savory to his constituents, he voted in favor of compensating 
the members of Congress by an annual salary of ■'^1500. 
He was not again elected. He would have been likely to 
make a still poorer show in securing popular favor in these 
later times, when the crowning merit of a public represent- 
ative is deemed to be, that he is but the echo of the voice 
of his Constituents. ,The other office was that of member of 
the Council of Censors in 1813. 

Although conscious of his powers and ability, he was not 
self-seeking. He exercised, as it were, a judicial judgment 
upon the comparative merits of others and himself, and 
accorded to others the full measure of their dues. In tliis, 
too, he was controlled by his delicate and uncompromising 
sense of right and propriety in all matters touching pul)lic 
and personal interests, as involved in, and affected by the 
holding and administration of public office. While his father 
was chief judge of the county court, it was tho province of 
that court to appoint the state's attorney. That office, upon 
the solicitation of the bar, was tendered to him. He de- 
clined to accept it, for the reason that he deemed it improper 
for him to hold it while his father was presiding judge of 
the court from which he would have received the appoint- 
ment, and in which he would have to act in performing his 
official duties. 

The office of chief judge of the supreme court was ten- 
dered to him at the time Nathaniel Chipman, in 1813, was 
10 



42 

restored to that position. I once asked Mr. Marsh why he 
did not take it. He said that, while such a man as Nathan- 
iel Chipman was available for the place, lie should have 
been so ashamed of himself if he had consented to take it, 
that he should not have been able to hold up his head in the 
face of the public. That was a weakness not very preva- 
lent at any period, I think cases of it have not been re- 
cently known. 

I may here with propriety remark that there existed be- 
tween Mr. Marsh and Chief Judge Chipman a very cordial 
and intimate friendship. I know of no man for whom Mr. 
Marsh felt a more profound reverence and esteem. 

What has thus been shown of Mr. Marsh illustrates what 
was true in fact, that he wa.-5 verj^ little affected in his judg- 
ment and action by considerations of personal favor to 
himself, to be secured by catering to popular sentiment, or 
cultivating popular eclat. Though he had great respect for 
the intelligent and considerate judgment of others, he had 
none for the spasmodic and zealous demonstrations of parti- 
san popular sentiment. He regarded the vote of majorities 
as a very uncertain and unstable test or evidence either of 
the right or the expedient in religion, or in morals, or in 
politics. And the eclat achieved by securing the shout and 
song of mere popular applause he regarded with supreme 
contempt. No considerations in that respect were ever sup- 
posed to have affected his own views, expressions, or actions 
upon any subject in any relations of life. 

His entire, uncalculating, unselfish and fearless indepeu.- 
dence gave him great weight of influence in all matters in 



43 

which the action of others was to be based upon, and con- 
trolled by, an intelligent judgment, led to a result by the le- 
gitimate and substantial reasons of the thing. 

While Mr. ^Marsh was neither waggish nor droll, he 
nevertheless had a keen and ready wit, which laughed in 
genial humor, or wounded with a purposed stroke, as occa- 
sion might call it into exercise. His faculty of drawing the 
ludicrously grotesque as well as of limning the repulsive 
and detestable in conduct and character, has probably not 
been equalled in the State. 

His pupil and partner, and life-long neighbor and friend, 
the late Honorable Norman Williams, was accustomed to 
recount instances in illustration in both directions. But 
time forbids that I should recite them. 

I beg pardon for obtruding one that fell under my own 
observation. An important cause in chancery came on for 
argument at a term of the Supreme Court in 1841. The 
court was composed of Williams, Chief Judge, Royce, 
Redfield, and Bennett. Mr. Marsh was counsel for the 
defendant. He had seated himself at the table, folded his 
paper, and selected his pen for the purpose of taking 
notes of the argument to which he expected to reply. As 
the orator's counsel commenced, Mr. Marsh, with pen in 
hand, was ready to make his notes. After maintaining liis 
position for awhile, and finding no occasion to use his pen, 
he laid it down, and settling back in his chair, with his 
head dropped upon his right shouldei', he was quietly enjoy- 
ing his pinch of snuff. At the end of about thirty minutes, 
the advocate made a brief pause. On starting anew, in a 



44 

tone and emphasis peculiar to himself, he said, — "xVndnow, 
your honors. I am going to suggest one idea." " Are 
you? " interjected ^Ir. Marsh. '' Stop, let me take it down,*' 
in the most quizzical tone of mock sincerity, at the same 
time, with a nervous motion, catching up his pen and put- 
ting himself in position, he sat intent to catch the forth- 
coming '' one idea." The scene was so comical in tlie 
manner in which Mr. Marsh interloped upon the unwary 
advocate — his voice and motions, and the expression of his 
face, that all the judges aud all the lawyers — the advocate 
excepted — incontinently burst into a spontaneous and hearty 
laugh. The laughter subsiding, the advocate went on, — 
Mr. Marsh for awhile retaining his position, ready for the 
promised idea. After continuing thus for some minutes, he 
dropped his pen, and settled back with a kind of sigh of 
disappointment, saying in a most deprecatory tone, ''Ah, a 
false alarm after all " : again provoking a merry laugh. 
He found no further use for his pen during the residue of 
the argument. 

Chief Justice Williams once said to me that Mr. Marsh 
"wielded the most powerful weapon of severity of any man 
he ever knew. I have heard others, who knew him well, 
make sul)stantially the same remark. And what was quite 
peculiar, his most agonizing strokes were administered with 
entire quietness of manner, with suppressed voice, and in 
language of rigorous chasteness. lie scarified, and flayed, 
and slaughtered with a polislied weapon. But woe to the 
person on whom it felL 



45 

Judge Hutchinson, in speaking to me of Mr. ^Farsh, said 
that he had the most wonderful faculty of making any 
body appear contemptible, of any person he ever knew. 
Said the Judge, ~ 

''Once when I was State's Attorney a man was indicted for 
stealing ha}' out of his neighbor's barn. The case came on for 
trial, and Mr. Marsh defended the accused. I introduced as a 
witness an entirely credil)le man, who testified fully all about it, — 
that he saw the respondent go into the barn, and then he looked 
through a crack hetween the boards and saw him pitch down the 
hay and bundle it up and carry it out of the barn, and then saw 
him go off with it ; and there was no sort of doubt about the theft 
having been committed just as the witness testified. But when 
Mr. ]Marsh came to argue the case, he made that witness appear 
so mean and contemptible — peeping through a crack to see his 
neighbor steal hay — that the jury didn't pay the slightest atten- 
tion to any thing he had testified, and they brought in a verdict of 
not guilty.'' 

^Ir. !N[arsh had been sued l)y a lawyer of Rutland, who 
was more favorably regarded for his ability than his 
uprightness, oii some alleged personal claim. The suit was 
unfounded and vexatious. He went to Rutland at the 
proper time for the purpose of attending the trial. Instead 
of proceeding to trial, the plaintiff applied for a continu- 
ance, making a verbal statement of his reasons, and offered 
to put the statement in writing and verify it by his oath, 
Mr. Marsh objected, and stated the grounds of his objec- 
tion, and closed his remarks hy saying: — ''I l)eseech your 
honors to forefend that man from the crime of perjury, by 
not affording to him either the temptation or the opportunity 
to commit it, as he certainly would do, if he should make 
oath to the statement he has made to the court." The 



46 

court declined to receive his affidavit, and the cause was 
ended by a judgment for the defendant. 

I should not be justified in citing further illustrations. 

I quote a paragraph from a memorial sketch, writ<"en soon 
after Mr. Marsh's death, by the late President Lord, — one 
of the keenest and most appreciative discerners of the 
quality and character of others that I have ever known. 
His ideas of Mr. Marsh were formed from an intimate per- 
sonal acquaintance of thirty years. 

"•His manner was simple and quiet. Except that his eye was 
ever penetrating and searching, he seemed ordinarily in repose. 
But liis temperament was liiglil}' nervous and excitable. Under 
a strong impulse he was impetuous and severe, lie could then 
deal in sarcasm and invective : and on such occasions one would 
not choose to be the subject of his criticism or the victim of his 
in lignation. However, it was not in matters personal to himself 
that he was apt to become excited ; but when his cause, his trust, 
his countrv', or his faith seemed to be in danger. It was his keen 
discernment of truth, his sense of right, his regard for titness. his 
jealousy for important interests, that made him ready to lake 
alarm, and roused his lion spirit. For that reason those who knew 
him took it not unkindly though he sometimes exceeded the limits 
of conventional complaisance, and bore more heavily upon an 
adversary than they would have dared or chosen. They would as 
soon complain of electricity because the lightning sometimes 
strikes. If he took stronger views of the subject that excited 
him than most men, it was because he had a stronger mind, more 
comprehensive of principles and relations, and more prophetic of 
results. If he wa'^ sometimes more confident and uncompromis- 
ing, yet who is not when he knows himself is right, and the world 
is wrong. If he stood by his own judgments ai:^ainst the suggestions 
of expediency and policy, yet, if there were no such men, then 
wisdom and virtue would be mere abstractions, of no pi-acticai ac- 
count or value in a world that could not otherwise be saved." 

Mr. Marsh was not a politician ; yet he felt a constant 
and absorbing interest in public affairs as affected by na- 



■ • 47 

tional and state legislation., and by the executive adminis- 
tration of both governments. He was in correspondence 
with leading men at Washington upon subjects of congres- 
sional and executive action, and was full and frank in sug- 
gestion, criticism, approval, and condemnation. I knew of 
his writing several letters, not only to the delegates from 
Vermont, but to ^Ir. Webster and Mr. Choate. He was re- 
garded by them, and by many of the eminent men of the 
country in all stations of political and judicial office, as their 
peer, and he commanded their profound regard and respect. 
He was at times in correspoudence with Chancellor Kent. 

Mr. xMarsh was a model gentlemau of the old school, and 
of the highest social breeding. With great simplicity of 
manner, lie bore himself with a courtly and attractive grace. 
He was familiar with the best forms of society, both in city 
and country, and his baronial family home was the free re- 
sort of leading families of New England and New York, as 
well as of the poor and the lowly of his own neighborhood. 
Though riches, for the sake of being rich, were no object of 
his ambition or effort, and though he gave no thought to the 
accumulation of property as an independent and ultimate 
purpose, his very large and lucrative practice brought a 
large current income, a portion of which was expended in 
the purchase of an extensive real estate constituting his 
farm and homestead. He disposed of portions of that real 
estate from time time, till some four hundred acres were re- 
maining, which, a few years before his death, 'he conveyed 'to 
his youngest son, — thereby relieving himself from the burden 
of its management, and making provision for the proper suj> 



48 

port of himself and his wife, in the accustomed family ar- 
rangement, during the residue of their lives. '' Beautiful 
for situation " was the house in its grounds and its com- 
manding outlook over the village, and through a \\ ide sweep 
of delightful landscape. It has now become the residence | 
of Mr. Frederick Billings, who has enlarged the mansion, 
and is extensively improving the surrounding grounds. All 
the residue of Mr. Marsh's income was currently expended 
in the support and education of his family, in maintaining 
the large and generous hospitalities of his home, in dispens- 
ing aid and comfort to needy neighbors and dependents, 
and in free contributions to worthy enterprises of religious, 
philanthropic, and social interest. Asidd from his real es- 
tate he had no self-accumulating moneyed investments. 

Mr. Marsh was twice married; — first, in 1789. to Miss 
Nancy Collins of Litchfield, Connecticut, by whom he had a 
son and a daughter. That son bore his father's name, and 
was in all his qualities a worthy son of such a sire. He 
was educated at the same college and the same law school 
as his father, and gave 5:ure signs of great eminence if his 
life had been. spared ; but he died of consumption in 1817, 
at the age of twenty-seven years. Ele had settled as a law- 
yer, and had' married, in Lansingburg, New York. The 
daughter died some fifteen years ago, the vridow of Dr. Bur- 
nell, of Woodstock. Mr, Marsh's first wife died in 17'c'3. 
His second wife was the widow of Josias Lyndon Arnold, 
who was a large proprietor of lands in St. Johnsbury and 
vicinity, and a part of whose name was given to the town 
of Lyndon. He settled in St. Johnsbury as a lawyer, and 



49 

there died in 1796, aged twenty-eiglit years. Mrs. l^^arsh 
was the daughter of Dr. Elisha Perkins, of Plainiieh], Con- 
necticut. The family was, and has continued to be, one of 
the foremost in social position, and most favorably known 
in Connecticut and wherever its descendants have been dis- 
persed and settled. As the wife of Mr. Arnold, she made 
her wedding tour from her home in her father's household 
to her new home in Vermont on horseback, and for a con- 
siderable distance before reaching St. Johnsbury on a mere 
bridle road cut through otherwise unbroken forests. As 
the wife of Mr. Marsh she was the mother of four sons — 
Lyndon A., George P., Joseph, and Charles, and one 
daughter, Sarah B., vrho became the wife of the Hon. 
Wyllys Lyman, late of Burlington, and by him she was the 
mother of a son, who is now holding a commission in the 
United States Army, and of a daughter who is the wife of our 
present distinguished Senator Edmunds. They are the 
only surviving grandchildren of Mr. Marsh. The son, 
Joseph, and the daughter Mrs. Lyman, died nearly thirty 
years ago. The other sons survive. The second wife died 
in 1853. 

It seems proper to say, that with a wife who was meet for 
him, and was his peer, the family of Mr. Marsh was of con- 
trolling influence in giving form and character to the social 
organization and development of the growing village and 
town. Both of them gave the best of their' energies and 
efforte, and contributed most liberally of their means, in 
devising and carrying forward all plans of policy and action 
that would tend to the upbuilding of a social order that 
11 



50 

should answer to tlieir desires in respect to the place of 
their family home for all the fortunes and experiences of a 
life for themselves and their children. Woodstock in its 
social history is the memorial and witness of the quality and 
manner of their work. The better forms of social life 
throughout the county and the State are not without signifi- 
cance to the same effect. 

Mr. Marsh died at his residence, of an acute inflammation 
of the lungs, after a short but painful illness, on the 11th 
day of January, 1819. Ilis Taculties of body and mind had 
not suffered the decay so common to old age. Except that 
their natural force was somewhat abated, they remained 
unimpaired to his last sickness, and in that his mind was 
clear, strong, and active to his last moments. 

Upon his death, obituary notices of various length and 
fulness were extensively published in the journals of the 
time. I have alluded to one, very full, discriminating and 
just, by President Lord. I have the copy of another, 
printed in the National Intelligencer^ at Washington, and 
supposed to be from the pen of Judge Phelps, who was then 
Senator in Congress. 

But I must close this long and inadequate paper ; and I 
do so by repeating in substance what I penned many years 
ago on the same subject. 

To apprehend and appreciate the true measure and worth 
of the man, it is essential to hold in mind the character and 
condition of the field in which he began and prosecuted the 
work of his life of manhood. In his beginnings Yermont 
was known by a bad, rather than a good, name — rather as 



51 

the asylum of rogues and refugees from justice, than, as 
now, as the model and proverb of virtue, intelligence, pros- 
perity, and happiness. The territory was wild and rugged. 
Only the germinal elements of society existed. Government 
was in embryo. Judicature and jurisprudence were crude, 
fragmentary, and inadequate. Education in literature, 
science and art, had no footing in the State. The maturing 
of a complete form of constitutional government — of an 
ample and well adjusted systein of statutory and judicial 
law — of an orderly and upright administration of justice; 
the devising and sustaining and rendering effectual of the 
early measures that have resulted in our established and 
controlling religion, in the general intelligence and higher 
education of the people, and in the good order and refine- 
ment of society, are of the work and fruits of the life, 
efforts, and influence of Mr. Marsh and his associates of 
kindred spirit, ability, and worth. If he had chosen his 
field of actioQ in some of the important towns in the older 
States of New England, he would have been known as Par- 
sons, Gore, Story, Mason, and Smith have been, and still are 
known. His fame would have been more on the tongues of 
men, in the public journals, and the printed books. Under 
the fortunes and lot of his life, Vermont, in the best features 
of her history, in character and position, is an eloquent and 
enduring memorial of his life, and services, and vforth. 



I I 



APPENDIX 



Steubenville, September 26, 1870. 
Dear Sir: — I have just received a letter from my cousin, 
Charles Marsh, of "Vroodstock, asking for you some information 
as to my grandfather, Joseph Marsh, of Hartford, Vermont. I 
wrote to him on the 23d of September, 18G9, giving him such in- 
formation as I had from conversations in the family respecting my 
grandfather until his death in February, 1811. (That letter has 
been mislaid.) I was eighteen years and sixteen days old when 
he died, and had lived in the same family with him — being the 
oldest son of Daniel Marsh, who was the second son of Joseph. 
My grandfather was what is called a reticent man. He spoke 
only incidentally of the events of his life. What 1 learned 
of his participation in public affairs was mostly from conver- 
sations between him and old men of his own age who visited 
him, and with whom he talked familiarly of the events in which 
they had participated. He was colonel of a regiment of militia 
of the Xew Hampshire Grants. The sudden movements at Hub- 
bardton prevented his being there. I am certain from hearing 
him, Judge Paine of "Williamstown, Major Bailey of TV^eathers- 
field, I think, also, his brothers, Abel and Elisha Marsh, and 
his oldest son Joseph, all speak of the battle of Bennington as 
an event in which the}' had a share — that they were there. I 
have also heard them and my father, who was a younger man, 
ofbeti speak of camp life whilst the regiment guarded the river to 
prevent Burgoyne's retreat and cut off supplies from reaciiing 
him. The Rev. Lyman Potter, of Norwich, was chaplain of the 
regiment. He removed West about 1801 or 1802, and settled 
three miles from here, on the former residence of Log;^^^. the 
Mingo Chief We became intimate after 1820, and he often spoke 
of my grandfather, of whom he wits an admirer, and of early 
events, and of the war. He was at Bennington, and in the camps 
at Whitehall, Fort Ann, Fort Edward, and Sandy Hili. After 



j'^^j)3 



54 

Mr. Potter's death, my grandfather's papers came into my hands, 
and amongst them I found Mr. Potter's receipt to ray grandfather 
as colonel for his pay as chaplain of the regiment, upon which, 
and soaie evidence obtained at Xorwich, his widow obtained a 
pension. 

My grandfather's book-learning was very limited, but he was 
by no means ignorant. I have often heard him say that he never 
went to school but one month in his life, — but he always added, 
in speaking of it to his family, that there were other ways of ac- 
quiring knowledge. He was not an indiscriminate reader, and in 
his latter years he read but little, lie had a tenacious memory, 
and what he read he made his own. He had a close logical mind, 
and he excelled in acquiring knowledge from conversation as well 
as in imparting it. His conversation was the most interesting I 
ever listened to. It was never tritlmg. His temper was equable. 
He was kind, never irritable, and all children loved him. His 
politics were of the pure Washingtonian school, in which he 
trained all his family. 

If his charity ever ftdl short, it was towards a man who spoke 
disrespectfully of Washington. He was a sincere, earnest Chris- 
tian, but was free from bigotry. When I was fifteen years old, he 
used his intluence successfully to have his grandchildren — about 
twenty around him — attend a dancing-school. I reraem.ber how 
he reproved his brother deacon, Clark — who was a ver3Miigoted 
man. Whilst they were earnestly debating the matter, deacon 
Clark, being fond of music, beat time with his foot to a fiddle that 
old Peter, a black man, was playing in the kitchen. He silenced 
the deacon by boldly charging him with dancing. 

In person, my grandfather was of large stature and of good pro- 
portion. As tall at least as Lyndon, he was broad-sliouldered, 
large boned, lean, of great muscular power. His weight was over 
two hundred pounds. I have seen him do things at eiglity years 
old that none of his descendants could do. He wore small clothes 
and the triangular hat. • He was a bold and graceful horseman. 
He kept a chaise, but he never used it when he rode alone. 

Much of the original surveys of Hartford, Pomfret, Woodstock, 
and Barnard, were made by him. 

As I have thus described him, he rests in my remembrance. It 
would bo strange if I were not partial to his memory. 

Truly, • ROSWELL MAESH, 

Hon. Jah£S Barrett. 



.:^i 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



VERMONT 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



OCTOBER 8, 1872 



t 










il'M 






.z:^ 






1/ 






'1 



MONTPELIER: 

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY. 

1872. 










C^r^ RUT LAND : -^"lir^ 
:TUTTLE & COMPANY, PRINTERS. 



! 



Proceedings. 



The Annual Meeting of the Vermont Historical Society 
was holden in the General Committee Koom at the State 
House, in Montpelier, on Tuesday afternoon, October 8th, 
1872, and was called to order by Rev. William H. Lord, D. D,, 
President. 

Col. Herman D. Hopkins presented the annual report of the 
treasurer. The following is the summary of the report : 

Receipts, - - - . $1,061 98 

Disbursements, - - - 1,017 16 



Cash on hand, - - - $44 82 



The Society have United States bonds amounting to $450. 
The expenditures the past year liave been chiefly for publishing 
the volumes of the Society's collections. 
J! Hon. Charles Heed presented the annual report of the 

librarian, which was adopted. 

On motion, the following named gentlemen were elected 
members of the Society : 

GILBERT A. DAVIS, Reading. 

Col. WIIEELOCK G. VEAZEY, Rutland. 

Col. KITTREDGE HASKINS, Brattleboro. 

Z. V. K. WILLSON, Esq, Rutland. 

E. J. ORMSBEE, Esq, Brandon. 

Hon. BARNES FRISBIE, Poultney. 
i|. A. M. CAVERLY, M. D, Pittsford. 

* OREL COOK, M. D, Mendon. 

Hon. HOYT H. WHEELER, Jamaica. 



iv Vermont Historical Society, 

HIRAM A. IIUSE, Rarxdolph. 
HENRY BEAN, Nortbiield. 
WILLIA31 A. COLWELL, Georgia. 
DAVID L. FIELD, Milton. 
Rev. J. COPELAND, Waterbury. 
Hon. GEORGE BALLARD, Fairfox. 
HENRY A. HAR:M0N, Benningtou. 
L. HOWARD KELLOGG, Benson. 
Rev. ALFRED STEVENS, Westminster. 
On motion of Hon. Hiland Hall, the president appointed a 
committee to nominate officers for the ensuing year, as follows : 
Hiland Hall, Henry Clark, Charles' Dewey ; who reported the 
following list of candidates, who were duly elected : 

President— \YIUAAM, H. LOKD, D. D., Montpelier. 
Yice- Presidents — Hon. James Bakrett, Woodstock ; Hon. 
HoYT H. Wheeler, J amaica ; Luther L. Ddtcher, Esq., St. 
Albans. 

Recording Secretary — Hieam A. Huse, Montpelier. 
Coresjponding Secretaries — Hon. Geo. G. Benedict, Bur- 
lington ; Orville S. Bliss, Georgia. ■ •iv'v* ^).h^ t ^v i ^ -'•i 
Treasirrer — Col. Herman D. Hopkins, Montpelier. 
Librarian — Hon. Charles Reed, Montpelier. 
Board of Curators — Henry Clauk, Rutland ; Hon. John 
R. Cleveland, Brookfield ; Hon. Russell S. Taft, Burhng- 
ton ; Hon. Franklin Fairbanks, St. Johnsbury ; Hon. E. P. 
Walton, Montpelier ; M. C. Edmunds, M. D., Weston ; Coi. 
Kjttredge Haskins, Brattleboro. 

The president announced the appointment of the following 
standing committees : 

Printing and Publishing Committee — Hiland Hall, Ben- 
nington ; E. p. Walton, Montpelier ; Charles Reed, Mont- 
pelier. 

On Library and Cabinet — P. D. Bradford, ISTorthfield ; 
Charles S. Smith, Montpelier; Russell S. Taft, Burlington. 
On Finance — Charles Dewey, Montpelier ; Chas. Reed, 
Montpelier ; Franklin Fairbx^ks, St. Johnsbury. 



Yermont Historical Society. v 

Miss Abby M. Hemenway, of Burlington, in a pleasant let- 
ter, presented to the Society an autograph letter of George 
Washington to James Maclison, dated nearly one hundred years 
ago, and covering four pages of letter-paper ; also, two bound 
volumes of her Vermont Gazetteer. Miss Hemenway was 
elected an honorary member of the Society. 

On motion of Hon. Ililand Hall, it was voted that Rev. Wm. 
H. Lord, D. D., President of the Society, be invited to prepare a 
paper on the "Haldimand Papers," to be read at the next meet- 
ing of the Society. 

On motion of Hon. E. P. Walton, it was voted that Henry 
Swan Dana, of Woodstock, be invited to prepare a paper on 
the origin of the names of the counties and towns in Yermont. 

On motion of Henry Clark, it was voted that Hon. James 
Barrett, of Woodstock, be invited to prepare a paper on the 
Life and Services of the late Hon. Loyal C. Kellogg, of 
Benson. 

On motion of Henry Clark, it was voted that the next 
annual meeting be held in Eutland, on the second Tuesday in 
October, 1873 (provided that no session of the Legislature is 
convened). 

On motion of Hon. Julius Converse, the Society adjourned 
to meet in the Representatives' Hall, at 8 o'clock p. m., to listen 
to the annual addi'ess by Hon. Lucius E. Chittenden, of Xew 
York. 

EVENING. 

The Society met in the Hall of the House of Representa- 
tives, where also assembled a large audience of ladies and gen- 
tlemen. 

After prayer by Rev. Alfred Stevens, of Westminster, Rev. 
WiUiam H. Lord, D. D., President of the Society, in a happy 
and pertinent manner, introduced Hon. Lucius E. Chittenden, 
of New York, who proceeded to answer the question, " Who 
took Ticonderoga ? " 



vi Yermont HiUorical Society. 

It was a most interesting and thoroughly-prepared review or 
resume of tlie operations and events whi(;h cuhninated in the 
capture of Ticonderoga by Ethan Allen : without doubt, in the 
main, the most accurate presentation of the history of its cap- 
ture that has ever been made, as Mr. Chittenden had omitted 
no research for facts bearing upon the subject. It had the close 
and gratified attention of the audience for nearly two hours. 

At the conclusion of the address, Henry Clark offered the; 
following resolution, which was adopted: 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Vermont Historical Society are 
eminently due to Hon. L. E. Chittenden for the repeated pleasure he has 
afforded them in listening to his able and eloquent defence of Vermont's 
great hero, Ethan Allen. 



BIExXmi REPOKT OF THE LIBRAKIAX 



OF THK 



VERMONT 

Historical Society. 



OCTOBER 8th. 1872. 



To the Yer7nont Historical Society : 

A list of the additions to our Library for tlie last two years 
is appended, and I submit the following notes : 

DIARY OF JONATHAN CARPENTER. 

JoNATHAi^ Carpenter died at Eandolpli, Yt., March 14th, 
1837. [See Yt. Historical Gazetteer, Yol. IL, p. 1050.] 
Gen. Stephen Thomas has presented to the Society the Diary 
of Carpenter, kept from Sept. 5th, 17T-i, to Jan. 5, 1783. 

From the diary it appears that Carpenter enhsted, and served 
out his term of enlistment, in the forces raised to oppose Great 
Britain, several times previous to December 13, 1777, when he 
went from Eehoboth, his native town, to Boston, and shipped 
for a cruise in the brig Reprisal, James Brown, Captain. His 
laconic account of his capture, copied from page 43 of the 
diary, is as follows : 

"1778. Feb'y ye 13, in a hard gail of wind we Trere drove down near 
to ye Castle &c. & lost one of our anchors and cable & ye loth we 
put to sea &: having a fair wind we clawed off the coast pretty fast — 
but ye 19 having got across the Gulf Streein at Daylight we saw a sail 
which our Capt. imprudently chased for nearly tow hours, but finding 
his mistake Put about but she came up with us at 12 o'clock which 
proved to be The Unicorn a 20 gun ship in ye service of the Tyrant King 
of Great Briton commanded by John Ford but we are no longer our 
own men but have a new Master and one of Jo. Bowars's Masters I 
think ha . ha 



viii Yermont Historical Society. 

After suiFering the usual hardships of the prisoners to tlio 
British in prison-ships in American waters, CarpeiitiT w-aa 
transported to Portsmouth, Enghmd, and confined in Forion 
Prison, where his diarj continues, page 46 : 

" 1778 ye 19th of June, we were airain sent on shoar, where ^vc wvn- 
Examiued, tryed tfc committed to Prison as Rebels &: Pirates taken <.tt 
the high seas it beinir my birth Day, the very Day I should liave had uiv | 

freedom, but to get clear from cruel blasters I rejoiced at an opportunity f 

to go to prison where I found 175 Prisoners some of tliein had hi ii 
there a year and were in good heart but expected a long imprison- 
ment, &c." 

********* 

" July 24 This Day 10 of our officers made there escape, & got of 
clear " — 

********* 

" July ye 30 about 12 o'clock at night we were Discovered in our work 
which was diging a hole to make our escape which would have ben done 
in 2 hours we had dug about 15 feet underground." 

* ******** 

"Sept, ye 8 last night there was a breach made out of ye Prison into 
the highway by undermining about 85 feet underground by whicli about 
50 officers got ofl", but 20 of them taken up & put into the bhi<'k ]ioh\ 
&c. & the rest got over to France — we was kept locked up till noon 
& broke the dore lock and the Devil to pay and no Pitch liot." 

" Dec'r ye 10. Last nigiit 5 of our men made their cscai)e joy iro with 

'em They tell us we shall soon be Exchanged but I so])ose tiny Li** as 

they used to do our Money is Reduced to Is pr week we have had i!s hrr«'- 

tofore ever since I have bin in this troublesome scene in high life below 

stairs" 

******* 

"1779 March 25 Bartholemew White a Prisoner in the yard was shot 
through the boddy by a < orporal of ye Guard which consists of <!0of the 
Westminster Melitia — he died in 24 hours after The Cori»or;il was trycd 

by Jury and Cleared. Proved (but very falselv) to be an accident." 
******* 

"April 15 last night 22 Prisoners made shift to git otf through a hole 
which we have had in hand about 2 months but not giting coui[)h;vt<.(l 
till Daylight was the ocation of no more going. — after wards all brought 
back but 2 " 

******* 

" May, 22 last night 7 Prisoners broke Prison from the grand Lobster 
guard at Fortin &c ha, ha, ha." 

Ye 25th The Guard is releaved to-dav by the Lincolnshire Melitia of 
100 men. 

Ye 28 The Guard is relieved by the Surry Melitia. 

Ye 29th Our agent tells us that he expects the cartecl in every Day 
(which I sopose is only to content us that we may not run away) also he 
has senfcour Names to London for his Majestie's Pardon on which com- 
menced a Dialogue 

Prisoner— Pardon ; D n his Majesty & his Pardon too who wants 

any of his Pardons what murder or treason have we done Prey 

Agent — Why; you impudent Rogues don't you know that you !ire 
Rebels and were committed to Prison as Pirates for ^iurderinir &; 
plundering his ^lajesty's subjects [k if we should subdue America) The 
Laws of Ye Nation would swing every dog of ye, and without his 3I.iJes- 
tie's most gracious Pardon you would never step a foot from this place 



Yerraoni Historical Society. 



IX 



except it -vvas to Tibiirn or Execution-Dock which you Deserve rather 
than an exchan2;e. 

Prisoner — OverpoM^er & subdue America— ah that's the least of rny 

concern. You liave not done it yet nor won't till the D I's blind ar.d 

his eyes an't sore yet and if we wait here for that our heads will be as 
grey as woodchucks and then 'twill be as 2:reat shame for you to hani; us 
as it was for your troops to run through with their bayonets our inofen- 
sive aged Grand Fathers & grand ^[others who could not get out of 
their beds and romes but ley at your mercy beging their Lives." 

Agent — when was that done. 
, Prisoner — When your Troops went out to Concord in April, 1775, Sir, 
and likewise your oilicers or Commander in Canada gave a bounty on 
Scalps to encourage ye Indians and hessians &c. to kill our harmless 
women and children. — this is ye bold Britons Sir 

Turnkey " you lye D n ye " — exite Agent" 

* * * -Sf- * * * 

"Fryday July ye 2nd, this morning we were called to be in readiness 

and in the afternoon marched otf through Gosport and went on board the 

Milford carteel ship laying at Spit-head &ic The day long wished for is 

come at last Huzza — I having been in Fortin Prison one year and 13 

days" 

******* 

Nov'r ye 3d I set out for Rehoboth and got home the 4th at night fit 
being a General fast throughout the Contineht ifcc) having bin gone from 
home two years wanting 5 weeks. Jon'n Carpentek, Jk," 

In 1780 Carpenter had bought land in Pomfret, Yt., and his 
diary reads, page 69 : 

" May ye 13. Then I, & David Carpenter Bargained for & bought a 
lot of 100 acres of Land (for 12s pr acre) of John Winchester Dana Esq. 
of Pomfret having travil'd about 1U» miles in 21 days. 
May ye 15 we began to chop and made the first stump on our land. 
Ye 20th. 

On our wild land we've worked a week 

Have built a house that's strong & neat, 

And it will serve tho' it is Low 

For kitchen, hall & palace too. 

Planted Potatoes corn and beans 

Which some may take for foolish schemes." 

* * * * * * * 

*• July ye 10th it begins to be warm weather. People are \ hillins: L 
corn — have chopt about 8 acres of own land in G weeks successively which 
has almost tired me of that fun, no wonder neither — 

. also we had a training at Poinfret inlisted 25 men (minute men) which 
will start in one Day's time in case of an Invatiou (which is some 
expected from ye Indians)" 

* ****** 

" August ye 10th this morning at 1 o'clock we were alarmd with news 
that ye Indians had come into Barnard and had taken 3 ]Men A: Plun- 
dered ye liouses (who were 20 indiens & toryes) and went otf, were foi- 
lowd by 50 men from Baruerd but could not overtake them. 

Aug't 15th I ingaged to go into ye service (for ye town of Pomfret) for 
3 months — 

Thursday ye 17 we marchd for Barnard from Pomfret, Esq'r Danas 
to P. Perriiis, - - - - . - - - - 5 

Ye 18th Stebines Barnard, - -" - - - 4 

Ye 19th To camp at A Bickuels at Barnard - - - 3 



(miles) 



12 



X Vermont Historical Society, 

Pritty level land but rockey, hemlock spruce, &c. 

Aug ye 20 I went out on a scoute for 2 Days up White R. as far as 
Rochester, thro' Stockbridge (about 20 miles) choice Laud ou ye River 
but very Mountainy back from ye river — made no Discovery of the 
Enemy. 

Ye 25th I went out on a scout for 4 Days in company with 14 men of 
Barnard in Serch of some tories that have been sculking about & have 
taken 2 men from Weatherslield. we went up ye south Branch of White 
K. & over heighths of Land to Pittsford fort on Ottercrick about 30 
Miles course West, some good land on ye crick and in Chittendon east of 
'Pittsford, & came horne ye 28. ye Prisoners are retaken with 2 tories 
at Weathersfield. 

Sept. ye 21 two men were taken from their work at Bethel, by ye Enemy 
I had a furlough for 3 days to go to Pomfret & came back ye 24. Our 
fort being finished nothing Remarkable. 

Ye 25 1 went out on scout up white R. on ye West Branch for 3 days 
nothing Remarkable. 

Oct. ye 3d A light snow fell about 3 inches deep, but soon gone — frost 
about this time wh.ch soon strips the trees &c 

Oct. 16 This morning we were alarra'd by inteligencethat the enemy were 
burning and Plundering at Royalton, and it was supposed that ye woods 
were full of them I went out in a scout round ye north part of Barnard 
about 10 miles & in again but Discovered nothing, by this time some of 
ye Inhabitants had come in to the Garrison, and a party went to meet the 
enemy (or at Least to look for them) — at about 12 o'clock at night, I went 
out in a party of 11 men. with Lieut. Green, with 4 days provisions we 
march'd (by night) to bethel fort from whence upwards of 100 men had 
just gone under Capt. Safford to Royalton — 

Ye 17th from thence we march'd to Col. Woodwards at Middlesex [no\T 
Randolph] about 15 miles from Barnard fort & 8 from Bethel fort, (it 
snowed almost all Day) there we were join'd by 10 more & sot oS 
toward ye height of Laud, in hopes of coming across our main boddy and 
coming to a house in ^Middlesex, burning which we judged to have ben 
fired by the Enemy about 4 hours — we took their trail & followed into 
Brookfield & finding our men didn't follow we incamped that ni^bt. but 
ye Middlesex men returned back, but ye next morning ye 18th we foliowd 
on about 4 miles further onto ye heighth of Land & finding we shold 
not be joined by more men & our party but 14 which we thought to 
small a number to engage whom we judged to be 300 by ye parth they 
made which was very easy to follow in ye night — we left ye chace & 
returned that Day to col. Woodwards, (back again) — having marched 
over as fine level a tract of Laud as I have seen in this Country, we 
went thro' Brookfield. Dearfield and into Northfield (light timbered with 
maple, Beach, Birch etc.) at Col Woodwards we heard that the Enemy had 
burnt and Destroyd Royalton, & some houses in Sharon ^ ]\[iddiescx 
&c and have taken ofi' upwards of 20 Prisoners and killed 7 Notwith- 
standing they were tired upon by ye advance guard of upward of 400 men, 
which indeed put them to great Confusion, but they killed 2 prisoners tt 
fled while the cowardly Colo' House was forming his men, hooting with a 
mock pretence of having a field tight with Indiens in the Bush, which 
gave them time to get ofi' (they were commanded by one Colo' Peters a 
Tory) 

Oct. ye 19 we returned home in peace, some moving ofi" over Connect. 
River, and our savage Enemy gone with flying coulers into Canida which 
is a poor story for a Whig to tell. 

Ye 20 We hear that the aforesaid enemy were atached [nic. probably 
detached] for Cowas after Major Whitcom &c. but find their 3Ii-take, 
took it in their heads to Plague us — also that there are 1500 Indiens 
landed from the Lake on the other side of ye 3Iountain and have taken 
fort ann &c 



Vermont Historical Society. 



XI 



Ye 20 Part of ye Companies from Windsor & Woodstock Melitia 
joined us for 10 days 

Ye 27 cool ye sun eclips'd &c 

Ye 29 Melitia Dismiss'd &c 

Nov. ye 1 snow fell about 4 inches D. 

Ye 2nd the fort at Barnard was Christned by ye Name of Defiance 
We had a false alarm how the Enemy were at Grape brook, &c I went 
to fort fortitude at Bethel with an express &c Ye Melitia of Rocking- 
ham Dismiss'd — 

Nov. 5th I went out on a scout up S. branch of White R. for 2 Days 

Ye 11 Cold frozen weather. Moon Eclipsed &c. 

Nov. 15 I was Dismiss'd from fort Defiance at Barnard, & sot off for 
Pomfret J. Dwyers 11 miles and ye 16 I sot out for Rehoboth in company 
with Adam Howard " 

The antiquarians of Barnard and Bethel are asked to fur- 
nish our Society with papers upon the locations and histories, 
for they have histories, of Fort Defiance and of Fort Forti- 
tude. 

HISTORY OF MARLBORO'. 

This history, in manuscript, by Eev. Ephraim H. ]S^ewton, 
handsomely bound, is presented to the Society by John W. 
Newton, of Cincinnati, upon the terms that it shall not be taken 
from the rooms of the Society. 

These terms the donor has insisted on, only to prevent the 
loss of what has cost himself and his father so much care and 
toil. The book was written for pubHcation, and is as worthy 
of it as any town history we have seen. Copies can be taken 
by any that desire. 

HALDIMAND PAPERS. 

Since the last regular meeting of our Society, Collections of 
the Yermont Historical Society, Vol. II., has been published, 
and the Haldimand Correspondence has for the first time 
appeared in print. 

From 1780 to the peace of 1783, the " Leaders of Yer- 
mont," not the jpeoj>le, listened to the overtures of Gov. Hal- 
dimand to make a separate peace and become a British Prov- 
ince, negotiated, coquetted and procrastinated, and thus, by 
the only means in their power, saved the frontiers of Yermont 



^ Vermont Historical Society. 

and New York from invasion by an overwhelming force, and 
their own homes from desolation. 

Whether this conduct was one of the allowable stratagems 
of war to delay an enemy, or was with the treasonable purpose 
to desert the common cause of freedom from British rule, every 
reader can now decide for himself. 

Mr. Walton was the sole editor of this part of the volume, 
and has illustrated these papers Avith a copious wealth of cotem- 
porary history, and has showm the connection of each document 
with the current events of the day. 

When our Society shall awake in our people and in the Leg- 
islature a proper pride in our early State history, one of the 
chief objects of its founders will be accomplished. And then 
our Society will not be a beggar for funds to print annals which 
no State possesses so peculiar, or m_ore honorable. This State 
could hardly have treated her early history with more neglect, 
had she been ashamed of it. 

INDIANS IN VERMONT. 

It is now agreed that at the time of the first knowledge of 
!New England by white men, the territory now called Vermont 
had no permanent Indian inhabitants ; that it was a disputed 
territory, over wliich the L-oquois and the Huron roamed and 
hunted, and fought wherever they met. Each claimed it by 
occupancy. But here none dared to hve. 

The extent of this occupancy and claim is a matter' upon 
which there is now little left to furnish light, except the local 
Indian names that still linger around river, mountain and 
place. 

J. Hammond Trumbull, Hartford, Conn., is now the highest 
living authority upon the historical Indian of New England. 
In declining a request to prepare a paper upon the above sub 



Yermont Historical Society. xiii 

ject for our Society, by reason of previous eugagements, he 



" The invitation with which I am honored hj your Curators, would 
tempt me to undertake the preparation of the paper proposed, if I thought 
that the materials at my command would suffice to do justice to the sub- 
ject. Permit me to suggest to your Society, that it will be well to pre- 
cede such a work by a careful collection of all the Indian local names 
which are preserved or can be recovered, — noting the forms in vf hich they 
appear in the earliest record, as well as those which they now bear, — and 
their traditional meanings, when such have come down to our time. Such 
lists have a positive value, beyond that which is merely local. They are 
important in disposing of ethnological as well as linguistic questions. 
At present, I have little hesitation in saying that no one is competent to 
prepare a satisfactory paper on the Indian names of Vermont, — and as for 
the Indians themselves, a couple of paragraphs would dispose of them, 
except as their history belongs to that of the great Algonkin family." 

In accordance with the suggestions of Mr. Trumbull, I have 
to ask our friends, in each section of the State, to send to me 
all the Indian names in their vicinity, and their signification, 
for the purpose he has indicated. 

DONATION OF ELISHA HARRINGTON. 

In the valuable donation to our Society by Mr. Harrington 
are three small volumes in the Abenaki tongue, — the Gospel 
of Mark, a Spelhng and Eeading Book, and the Decalogue, 
with comments on each commandment. 

These books were prepared for his tribe, the St. Francis, by 
Rev. Peter Paul Osuukerhine, who was educated for a mission- 
ary among his tribe at Moore's Charity School. These are the 
only books in that language, and Mr. Osunkerhine assures us 
they are the only ones there ever will be, for the reason that 
the children who are now taught at all, are taught the English 
language, and to read in English books. 

The St. Francis tribe have been deprived by legal proceed- 
ings of theu' lands, and are now much reduced and scattered. 



xiv Yermont Historical Society, 

And Osunkerhine, written in his native Indian Wzokliilain, is 
now stationed at Salamanca, Cattaraugus County, ^N". Y., where 
he ministers to about 1,500 Senecas ; and from thence he has 
sent to our Society several sheets of hymns for religious ser- 
vices in his native Abenaki. These were set up and printed by 
himself at St. Francis, many years ago, using a little printing 
estabhshment of his own. 

Mr. Harrington has also presented to the Society a history 
of the Abenakis in French, by Le Abbe Mam-ault, " From 
1605 even to our time." And of the author he says : " Mr. 
Mam-ault has been the Parish Priest of the Saint Francis 
Indian YiUage about 27 years. He has in the presbytery a 
manuscript vocabulary of the root words of the Abenakise lan- 
guage, with their definitions in French, written in and about 
1712, by a missionary priest, and it has not been printed. Mr. 
Maurault's address is Pierreville, Quebec." 

COLLECTIONS OF YERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY, VOL. IIL 
This volume can be ready for the press the ensuing winter. 
It will contain as full an account as can now be gathered of 
the proceedings and debates in the General Assembly and in 
the State Convention that attended the admission of Yermont 
into the Union, in 1790 and 1791. Ample materials, and rich 
in interest, have already been collected. 

Respectfully submitted, 

CHARLES REED, Libbaeian. 



LIST OF BOOKS EECEIYED AT THE LIBKARY 



OF THE 



VERMONT 

Historical Society, 



1870 TO 1872. 



BY DONATION. ,, 

Hon. "Wm. S. Appleton, Boston — Ancestry of Mary Oliver; 
Ancestry of Priscilla Baker; Memorials of the Cranes of 
Chilton. 

Hon. Geo, Grenville Benedict, Burlington — Vermont at 
Gettysburg, and Appendix. 

O. S. Bliss, Georgia — John Wliite's Papers, — being a 4th 
of July Address, 1804, in manuscript ; Essays by Tim. Scribble, 
in the Wanderer ; 11 Autograph Letters from Hon. Asa 
Aldis, Hon. James Fisk, and other notable men. 

Printed Address to the People of Franklin County, 1806, 
in regard to County Clerk. 

In Memoriam, Dea. Walter Colton. 

Dr. P. D. Bradford, Northfield — Northfield Documents 
(3 pamphlets) ; Catalogues of Castleton Med. College, 1858, 
1860, 1861 ; Address by Kev. Dr. Douglas and Poem by Kev. 
W. J. Harris, N. U. Commencement, July 13, 1871. 

Hon. L. E. Chittenden, New York — Debates and Proceed- 
ings of the Peace Convention in 1861, by the donor. 



xvi Yermont Historical Society, 

Gen. J. Watts DePeyster, Tivoli, N. Y. — La Eoyale, 
Part 8. 

Joshua M. Dana — Newspapers and Manuscripts. 

Hon. Geo. F. EniiuNDS, Burlin2;ton — President's Message 
and Documents, 1869-70, 1870-71 ; Congressional Globe, 1871, 
2 vols. ; Congressional Globe, 1870-71, 3 vols. 

John C. E:irERT — Yermont Copper Coin. 

Edtvaed Jacob Forster, M. D. — Pedigree and Descendants 
of Jacob Forster, Senior, of Charlestown, Mass. 

Rev. E. T. Fairbanks — Class of 1859, Yale ; Memoir of 
James K. Colby. 

George W. Folsom, xs'ew York — Address by Hon. George 
Folsom, before New York Historical Society, 1857 ; Address 
before Maine Historical Society, 1863. 

Capt. William F. Goodwin, Concord — Fac-simile of Thomas 
Bradbury's Will, Salisbury, Mass., 1691 ; Arms of Goodwin 
and Bradbury. 

Hon. HiLAND Hall, North Bennington — Early History of 
Yermont, interleaved and corrected by the author, October 11, 
1870. 

Hon. Charles H. Heath, Plainfield — One Cent, of Liberia, 
1833. 

Hon. Charles J. Hoadley — Our Family Genealogy (Mor- 
gan) ; R. R. Hinman's Genealogy of the Hinman Family of 
Connecticut ; Genealogical Notes of some of the first settlers 
of Connecticut and Massachusetts, by N. Goodwin ; History 
of Norwich, Conn., by Caulkins ; Specimen Sheet of Conti- 
nental Money. 

Charles Hudson, Lexington, Mass. — Dedication of the 
Forest Memorial Hall, Lexington, April 19, 1871. 

Elisha Harrington, Coventry — Lot of Indian Relics ; His- 
tory of Spencer, Mass., by Draper ; History of the Abenakis 
(in French) ; St. Mark ; Spelling Book ; the Ten Command 



\f 



j r 



i^:il 



, .;.-.n •■ 



•< .M" :. 



bf- . • .'-''^ — A.nH .}) c:.i: . ■ i::j 



Yerraont Historicul Society. xvii 

ments and Commentaries thereon, in Abenaki — the only books 
ever printed in that tongue ; old French coin, found at Ticon- 
deroga; Northern Oziris, &c. 

Col. Rush C. Hawkins — The Hawkins Zouaves, by Whit- 
ney. 

G. D. Hareington, Washington, D. C. — Statistics of Pop- 
ulation, Ninth Census. 

E. P. Jewett, Montpelier — 17 numbers of the Freeman's 
Press ^ Montpeher, 1811. 

Hon. John H. B. Latkobe, Baltimore — History of Mason 
and Dixon's Line ; Three Great Battles ; African Colonization, 
an address by the donor. 

John S. Lee, Canton, N. Y. — Nature and Art in the Old 
World, by the donor. 

Alphonse Loubat, New York — The American Yine Dress- 
er's Guide. 

Hon. HoswELL Marsh, Steubenville, Ohio — American Alma- 
nac, 1839 to 1861 ; National Almanac, 1863 to 186-1 ; Na- 
tional Intelligencer, Dec, 1828, to Dec, 1840, and from Dec, 
1842, to Dec, 1860 ; Liberty Hall and Cincinnati Gazette, 
1834-7 ; Western Herald, 1830 to 1836 ; Ohio State Journal 
and Pegister, Oct., 1837, to 1857 ; Frank Leslie's Pictorial 
History of the War, Nos. 1 to 18 ; Yol. Pamphlet Speeches, 
bound ; Woodfall's Junius, 2 vols. ; Biographers of Signers of 
Declaration of Independence ; U. S. State Papers (Wait's 
edition of 1817), 10 vols. ; Niles' Kegister, vols. 43 to 56 ; 
Pitkin's Statistics ; Ohio Statistics ; U. S. Documents, 69 vols. ; 
McCulloch's Commercial Dictionary, 2 vols. ; Bacon's Works, 
3 vols. ; Anderson on Commerce ; 27 volumes on miscellaneous 
subjects ; Colton's Atlas, 2 vols. ; manuscripts of the donor. 

Henry N. Newell, Shelburne — Original Autograph Mes- 
sage of Peter T. Washburn, Governor of Yermont, 1869. 

John W. Newton, Esq., Cincinnati, Ohio — Manuscript 



,1 t^^ 



xviii Y^rmont Jlistoriccd Society. 

History ^f .tke ^town of Maiiboro, bj Eev. Ephraim H. 
Newton. . 

EzKA Faine, M. D., Montpelier — Truth Displayed, by He v. 
B. A. Osborn. ' 

J. MoNKOE Poland, Montpelier — 4:4: pamplilets. 

Capt. Geo. Henky Pkeble, Charlestown, Mass. — William 
Pitt Fessenden ; ]S"otes on Early Ship-building in Massachu- 
setts ; the Preble Family in America, 1636-1870. 

Chaeles Keed, Montpelier — Centennial Celebration, Mason, 
IN". H. ; 19 pamphlets. 

Thomas Kichmond — God Dealing with Slavery ; Spirit Mes- 



E. M. Stojo:, Providence, K. L — Health in the Schools. 

Thomas Spooio:f, Reading, Ohio — The Spooner Memorial, 
by the donor. 

Rev. C. S. Smith — Report of American Home Missionaiy 
Society, 1870. 

Mrs. Mary H. Sawyek, St. Albans, Yt. — Memoir of Sam- 
uel Appleton ; Smith's Stranger's Guide to Liverpool ; Bounty 
Lands, 111., 1819 ; U.S. Naval Register, 1829, 1843, 1848, 
1849 ; Green Mountain Repository, Yol. 1 ; Report Houghton 
Association ; Lectures, manuscript ; Addresses by Rev. Jesse 
Appleton, 1820; 40 other books and pamphlets. 

Alfred L. Turner, Esq., Boston — Auditor's Report, Bos- 
ton, 1870-71. 

Hon. R. S^. Taft, Bm-hngton — Seventh Annual Report of 
the City of Burlington. 

Joseph A. Wmo, Esq., Montpeher — iN'oah Webster's Spell- 
ing-Book. 

Hon. Robert C. Winthrop — Oration on the 250th Anni- 
versary of the Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers, at Plymouth, 
Dec. 21, 1870. 

Department of the Intfjjior— Statistics of Agriculture, 
Ninth Census, 1870 ; Coast Survey, 1868. 



fO Jl 



Yermont Historical Society. 



XJX 



Signal Ojffige, Washington, I). C. — Eeports for May .28th, 
IL872. 

IJTew Yoek State Libbaey — Subject Index of Jsew York 
State Library ; Eeport of Trustees, 1872. 

Pennstlyania Eoakd of Public Chaeities — Reports, 18T0 
and 1871. 

GfflCAGO Historical Society — Fifteenth Report Chicago 
Reform School ; Charter, Constitution and By-Laws of Chicago 
Histoiical Society; Thirteenth Report Chicago Board of 
Trade. .. 

Peicstsylyan-ia Histoeical Society — Discourse on the Inau- 
.^uration of the New Hall, March 11, 1872. 

BT EXCHANGE. 

ReY. Albeet H. Bailey, D. D., Sheldon, Yt. — History of 
Protestant Episcopal Church in Yermont ; Memoir of Rev. 
Bethuel Chittenden. 

ReY. B. F. De Costa, New York — Mount Desert ; Report 
of a Yisit to the Indians of Minnesota ; Report on Indian Civ- 
ilization ; Fight on Diamond Island. 

M. D. GiLMA^, Montpelier — Suppression of Chicago Times; 
Trade and Commerce of Chicago, 1861 ; the Oil Regions df 
the United States, 1865 ; Yermont Copper Coins. 

Samuel A. Geeene, Boston — Boston Public Library, Dedi- 
cation of the Building ; Proceedings at Laying Corner Stone, 
1855; Report on American Fisheries, by L. Sabine ; Annals 
of the Primary Schools, TVightman; Thirty-second Annual 
Report of the Massachusetts Board of Education ; School 
Histories and Some Errors in them; Story of a Famous Book ; 
Bibliography of Massachusetts Historial Society ; Paul Lunt's 
Diary. 

Rev. William Stevens Peeey, Geneva, N. Y.. — Papers re- 
lating to the History of the Church in Pennsylvania, edited by 



r^ i 



,V!! ai!J ilO 



XX Vermont Historical Society, 

the donor ; Documentary History of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church in .Connecticut ; General Convention of the Protestant 
Episcopal Church, 1868 ; 6 other bound volumes ; 96 pamphlets. 

Kev. E. F. Slafter, Boston — History of Lower Canada, by 
Christie, 6 vols.; Yermont Coinage. ^ 

Kev. JosiAH SwETT, Fahfax — 1 bound vols, of newspapers ; 
American State Papers, 5 vols.; 13 bound volumes; 60 pam- 
phlets. 

Canada — Geological Survey, 1866-9, 1 vol. 

Boston Public Libeajry — Keports of Trustees, 1869, 1870. 

New England Historical and Genealogical Society — 
New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1870; 
Twenty-fifth Anniversary Discourse, by E. F. Slafter. 

Connecticut Historical Society — Collections, vol. 2. 

Delaware Historical Society — History, Constitution, By- 
Laws and Catalogue. 

Georgia Historical Society — ^^Wilde's Summer Rose ; Con- 
stitution, By-Laws, &c. 

Maryland Historical Society — 25 pamphlets. 

Massachusetts Historical Society — Historical Collections, 
vol. IX. 4th series, and vol. i. 5th series. 

New Jersey Historical Society — Collections, vol. 7 ; His- 
tory of Fu'st Presbyterian Church in Newark, N. J. ; History of 
the same in Cadwell, N. J. ; Report of the Chicago Rehef Fund. 

New York Historical Society — Proceedings from Jan., 
1847, to Dec. 2, 1849, 17 numbers; Historical Collections for 
1868, 1869, 1870. 

Blistorical and Philosophical Society of Ohio — Pioneer 
ffistory ; Lives of the Early Settlers of Ohio ; Geological Sur- 
vey, 1869, 1870 ; 17 pamphlets. 

YiRGDOA Historical Society — Washington's Private Diary ; 
Early Yoyages to America ; 4 pamphlets. 

WiscoNSEN- Historical Society — Historical Collections, vol- 
ume 6. 



.: ) 



OFFICERS 

OF THE 

Vermont Historical Society. 

1872-73. 



President, 
WILLIAM H. LORD, D. D., Montpelier. 

Vice-Presidents, 
Hon. JAMES BARRETT, Woodstock. 
Hon. HOYT H. WHEELER, Jamaica. 
LUTHER L. BUTCHER, Esq., St. Albans. 
Recording Secretary, 
HIRAM A. HUSE, Montpelier. 

Corresponding Secretaries, 

Hon. GEORGE G. BENEDICT, Burlington. 

ORVILLE S. BLISS, Georgia. 

Treasurer, 

Col. HERMAN D. HOPKINS, Montpelier. 

Librarian, 

Hon. CHARLES REED, Montpelier. 



Board of Curators, 

Henry Clark, Rutland. 

Hon. John R. Cleveland, Brookfleld. 

Hon. Russell S. Taft, Burlington. 

Hon. Franklin Fairbanks, St. Johnsbury. 

Hon. E. P. Walton, Montpelier. 

Meeritt C. Edmunds, M. D., Weston. 

Col. KiTTREDGE Haskins, Brattleboro. 
Ex- Officio, 
Hon. George Nichols, Secretary of State. 
Hon. Whitman G. Ferrin, State Auditor. 
Hon. Charles Reed, State Librarian. 



Standing Committees, 

Printing and Publishing Committee — Hiland Hall, Bennington; E. P. 
Walton, Montpelier; Charles Reed, Montpelier. 

On the Library and Cabinet — P. D. Bradford, Northfield ; Charles 9. 
Smith, Montpelier ; Russell S. Taft, Burlington. 

On Finance — Charles Dewey, Montpelier ; Charles Reed, Montpel- 
ier ; Franklen Fairbanks, St. Johnsbury. 



All donations of Books, Pamphlets, or Newspapers, shouUl be addressed to Hon. 
Charles Reed, Montpelier. 



THE CAPTURE OF TIGONDEROGA. 



ANNUAL ADDRESS 



BEFORE.. THE 



VERMONT 

HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

DELIVERED AT 

MONTPELIER, VT., 

OIJT TITESID-A.-X' EVElSTIiTG-, OCTOBEI2, 8, 2.872, 

By Hon. LUCIUS E. CHITTENDEN. 



.>v 



The following Joint Eesolution was adopted by the Senate 

and House of Representatives, at their biennial session, 1872 : 

Resolved bij the Senate and House of Eep7'ese?itaiives, That the Secretary of 
the Senate be, and hereby is, directed to procure the printing of twenty- 
five hundred copies of the valuable and instructive address of the Hon. 
L. E. Chittenden before the Vermont Historical Society, for the use of 
the General Assembly ; that there be furnished to each member of the 
Senate and House of Representatives, three copies ; to each Town Clerk, 
one copy; to each collcire and academy in this State, one copy ; to each 
Judge of the Supreme Court, one copy ; to the Governor, and each of the 
heads of departments, one copy ; to the State Library, two hundred 

;*-#. copies ; and to the Vermont Historical Societj", five hundred copies ; such 

number of copies as shall remain after distribution as above, to be equally 

■ H'^> divided between the public libraries of the State, not otherwise supplied 

by this resolution, under the direction of the State Librarian. 

The following letter was addressed to the Hon. L. E. Chit- 
tenden : 

Office of the Secretary of the Senate, ) 
MONTPELIER, Vt., Oct. 16, 1872. 5 

Dear Sir : By a Joint Resolution adopted by the Senate and House of 

Representatives, I am directed to procure the printing of the valuable 

and instructive address delivered by you before the Vermont Historical 

Society, at its annual meeting, at Montpelier, on the 8th instant. | 

I would respectfully ask that you furnish me with a copy of said 

: address for publication. 

I am, Sir, your very obedient servant, 

M. B. Carpenter, Secretary of the Senate. 

To which the following reply was received: 

25 West 38th Street, New York, Nov. 13, 1872. 
My Bear Sir : I have received your note of the 16th ult., inclosing a 
copy of a Joint Resolution of the Legislature of Vermont, and request- 
ing for publication a copy of my recent address before the Vermont His- 
torical Society. 

Although this address w^as prepared with no purpose of immediate pub- 
lication, I do not feel at liberty to decline a request preferred in such cour- 
teous terms, which, perhaps, indicates an opinion of the Legislature that 
the paper may have some permanent value. I have the pleasure of com- 
plying with it, and transmit the copy, which you will receive with this 

letter. 

Very truly, yours, 

L. E. CHITTENDEN. 
M. B. Carpenter, Esq., 

Secretary of the Senate, Montpelier, Vt. 



Introductory Note. 



The following paper was read before the Vermont Historical 
Society, at a special meeting of its members, held at Ticonderoga, 
on the 18th of June, 1872, and was repeated, at the request of the 
Society, in the Hall of the House of Representatives, in Montpel- 
ier, on the 8th of the following October. In order to preserve the 
address in its original form, those portions which indicate its deliv- 
eiy on the ground where the events transpired, to which it refers, 
have not been changed, and it is now printed as first prepared. 
It was intended to print the letters and documents which are re- 
Hferred to, in full ; but these are so numerous that only a few of the 
more important have been retained. But reference is made to all, 
and the effort has been made to refer the reader to the depositaries 
of all the knovru material evidence which bears upon the capture 
of Ticonderoga, in May, 1775. 

The unweaiied industry and perseverance of Mr. Force has 
brought many of these documents together in that monument of 
his research known as "The American Archives." To avoid fre- 
quent repetition of the title, unless special indication to the contrary 
is given, reference is made to the Second Volume of the Fourth 
Series of the American Archives, by the use, in the notes, of Mr. 
Force's name, without other addition. 



Address. 



TicoNDEROGA — The lock to the Gate of the Country. It 
bars the entrance to the natural highway of Cham plain, over 
which for generations swept the bloody tide of unrelenting 
war — a war so ancient that, when the white man first came 
thither, he found no living man who could tell of its beginning, 
— so continuous that its refluent wave rarely ceased its flow, 
until, one hundred and fifty years later, the great faniihes wlio 
waged it had vanished from the earth, and peace spread her 
silvery wings over a new nation, celebrating its victory around 
the first altar of freedom erected on American shores. 

Nature chooses all the theatres upon wliich the nations settle 
their controversies by the arbitrament of battle. They are few 
in number and limited in area. The plains of Greece, [NTorthern 
Italy, the shores of the Khine, the valleys of lower Virginia ! — 
how many battles they have witnessed, wliat countless multi- 
tudes of warriors they have entombed ! But not one of tliem 
has been the scene of war so prolonged, continuous, savage and 
cruel as that which ended with the Peace of Paris, which for 
centuries before had raged in the valley of Lake Champlain. 

Its commencement was preliistoric. When, in 1609, the 
French explorer first undertook to penetrate this wilderness, 
the Indians of Canada told him it was tlie home of their he- 
reditary enemies. Champlain gives us one glance at their fierce 



6 

encounters, and the curtain falls for almost fifty years; thou^j-h 
behind its .folds we may still hoar the war cry of the Savage 
and the shriek of his tortured prisoner. Then follows another 
century, the few but vivid records of which are gleaned from the 
relations of the Jesuit Fathers, whose history in Kew France is 
a marvel of missionary self-sacrifice and devotion. Finally, the 
contest becomes known as the French and Indian war, and 
thenceforward we have its written history. 

The frontier which separated these two great aboriginal fami- 
lies was nearly coincident with that between the United States 
and Canada. The valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa 
comprised numerous tribes of brave, muscular, athletic war- 
riors, who, for want of a better term, may be called Algonkins. 
Farther west, extending to the great lakes, lived the powerful 
Hurons, their friends and allies. Their enemies were the Iro- 
quois, whose hunting grounds extended from the western 
slope of the Green Mountains to the southern shore of Lake On- 
tario. Their principal villages were in Central New York, in a 
line extended west from the south end of Lake George. History 
gives no account of a native race, surpassing the Iroquois in all 
the qualities which constitute the savage ideal of physical per- 
fection. They were tall and erect in stature, their Lim])s were 
as active and strong as those of the trained athlete. It was 
their chief pride, next to skill and courage in battle, that they 
were insensible to pain, fatigue and hunger. The business of 
their lives was war ao-ainst their northern enemies. To this 
they were educated from infancy. Their sports as well as their 
labors tended to their physical development. In their educa- 
tion nothing was omitted wliich could make them cruel, ])roud 
and brave, superior to pliysical hardship, insensible to tortures 
such as could only be devised by savage ingenuity. They con- 
stituted a great power among the native families. On the west, 
they conquered and annihihited the Erie nation, and swept 



over western Pennsylvania to the mountains of Virginia. On 
the north, they maintained unconquered a war of two hundred 
years. On the east, their neighbors souglit safety in peace. 
No confederacy of native tribes, equally powerful, ever existed 
between the Atlantic and the Mississippi." 

As in all wars, the fortunes of this sanguinary contest were 
yariable. In the early part of the seventeenth century, victory 
appears to have been with the northern tribes, for they forced 
the Iroquois back from the outlet of Lake Champlain to the 
head wttters of the Hudson. From this position the Iroquois 
villages were never again advanced. The Champlain valley 
was left a broad frontier, over which invading parties passed, 
and upon which they met in fierce encounter. In the absence 
of Indian towns, it became a nursery for game, through which 
the larger animals roamed in countless numbers. The reason 
is thus apparent why so few remains of Indian towns are found 
in western Vermont, and why the evidences of aboriginal occu- 
pation indicate routes or war paths instead of local stations. 

Champlain made two visits to tliis valley, upon eacli occasion 
in company Wifh a war party. Arrived at Quebec in 1609, he 
made an engagement with the Algonkins, that they should assist 
his discoveries in the country of the Iroquois, if he would assist 
them in their war "against that fierce people, who spared nothing 
that belonged to them.- '^'^ In the singularly minute and truth- 
ful relation of his first expedition, he records the first meeting 
in this region between the opposing forces of barbarism and 
civilization. It occurred on the northern extremity of Crown 
Point, on the 29th of July, two hundred and sixty-three years 
ago. 

The parties were large — the battle fierce — its fortunes waver- 
ing, when it was decided by the arquebuss of Champlain — the 
first report of a fire-arm which awoke tlie echoes of that valley. 



<•) Chainplaiu's Voj-ages, Ed. 1632, p. 134. 



8 

• 

Before it, two Iroquois chiefs fell dead, a third mortally wound- 
ed. From the presence of a power to them supernatm'al, their 
warriors fled in terror, leaving a number of prisoners in the 
hands of Champlain's party. A new force had been intro- 
duced into their warfare, which in the end was to destroy both 
opposing parties. That night, on the Vermont shore, a few 
miles north of the battle-ground, they sacrificed a prisoner with 
tortures such as none but American Indians ever conceived. 

There was a sinsiular svnchronism in the march of ci\'iliza- 
tion upon both extremes of this great route of communication. 
In the same summer of Champlain's discovery, Hudson sailed 
up the river which bears his name. The French settlements at 
Montreal, and the Dutch at Albany, began at the same time 
and advanced with equal steps. These controlled the fortunes 
of the war. But the motives which brought the two nations 
hither were wddely different. The conversion of the Indians 
to Catholicism invited the French ; trade impelled the Dutcli. 
It was the policy of the former to prevent the introduction of 
fire-arms, of the latter to encom-age them. The efiect was 
quickly apparent. The Iroquois, no longer content with resist- 
ing invasion, became invaders. I have not the time even to 
sketch the course of this war movement from 1 635 to the end 
of that century. During that period, there was probably not a 
year in which a war party did not pass do^\Ti the lake to Can- 
ada, and often a dozen were absent from their villages at the 
same time. They lay in ambush along the St. Lawrence, and 
returned triumphant with their spoils and prisoners. It was 
during this period that Father Jogues and other French mis- 
sionaries, with numerous Algonkin converts, were carried up 
the lakes to the Iroquois towns, where they found their crowns 
of martyrdom witli all its surroundings of savage cruelty. 

At length the Canadian Indians and French were threatened 
with annihilation. To save their own lives, the French were 



9 

driven to take part in the war. They armed the Indians, led 
their expeditions, and checked the Iroquois in their tide of vic- 
tory. The southern tribes sought the same assistance from 
their EngUsh neighbors. The war was prosecuted by alternate 
invasions, until finally the quarrel merged in the great contest 
between the trans-Atlantic powers of England and France. 
Thenceforward, with seasons of peace on the Eastern Conti- 
nent, the war here was almost continuous. 

In all this warfare, Crown Point and Ticonderoga were the 
chief objective points. The temptation is strong to Hnger over 
its details, for its complete history has never been written, and 
we have not even a list of its battles. But I cannot even refer 
to all the events of the twenty years preceding the peace of 
Paris, which are necessary to illustrate the military importance 
of these positions, and to understand their connection with our 
own Revolution. 

The fihal contest between the two great powers of Europe, 
for the control of the Champhiin valley, became energetic in 
the year 1755. The Enghsh and the colonists had learned by 
a bloody experience that there could be no peace here until the 
French were driven from Crown Point and Ticonderoga, which 
they held with great tenacity as the initial stations of their bar- 
barous incursions. Gen. William Johnson, in this year, under- 
took their capture, with an army of thirty-five hundred Is'ew 
England militia. The attempt was fruitless, though the fight- 
ing quahties of the colonists secured enough successes of the 
British arms, near Lake George, to make their commander a 
baronet. Had he exhibited capacity to command, the French 
might have been swept from this quarter in a single campaign. 
It was his fault that for many years " these forests were never 
free from secret dangers, and American scalps were strung 
together by the wakeful savage, for the adornment of his wig- 



C-O Bancroft, iv. p. 208, 



10 

• 

The French, made active preparation for defense. They 
called to thi§ frontier the entire available force of the District 
of Montreal. Bj the end of August, when Johnson's army 
had reached Lake George, Dieskau, the French commander, 
had gathered here seven hundred regulars, sixteen hundred 
Canadians and six hundred savages. The impetuous French- 
man did not wait for an attack. Dashing forward to strike his 
inactive adversary, he mistook his route, and on the 7th of Sep- 
tember found himself between Fort Edward and Lake George. 
He was just in time to form an ambush for a thousand colo- 
nists, who had been sent under Col. Ephraim Williams to re- 
lieve Fort Edward. Among the latter was the brave and ven- 
erable Hendrick, chief of the Six Nations, with two hundred 
of his braves. Led into the ambush, surrounded by invisible 
foes, defense was impossible, and Hendrick and ^Villiams fell, 
with many of their men. Whiting, of Connecticut, extricated 
tlie remainder of the force, and with it retreated to Johnson's 
camp, figliting every step of the way. 

The camp was not intrenched. Dieskau, whose motto was, 
" Boldness wins," dashed on, hoping to enter the camp with 
the fugitives. But he mistook the temper of the 'New Eng- 
land militia. Though abandoned by their commander, who 
left the field with the excuse of a slight wound at the com- 
mencement of the action, these marksmen of the woods not 
only checked the French assault, but for five hours poured 
into their ranks such a w^ithering fire as they had never 
before encountered. The French regulars were annihilated. 
The Indians and Canadians, crouching in the bushes, kept out 
of the range of the fire. At length tlie Americans rushed 
over their slight works, and put the whole French army to 
flight. A French renegade wantonly shot down their intrepid 
and thrice- wounded commander. Among the privates of the 
American army in this action were Israel Putnam, of Connec- 
ticut, and John Stark, of Xew Hampsliire. 



11 

The battle did not end with the fall of Dieskau. A body 
of three- hundred I^ew Hampshire men, commanded by Mc- 
Ginnis, crossing from the fort to the lake, just at nightfall, fell 
in with three hundred Canadians who were retreating in a 
body, attacked and dispersed them, capturing all their baggage. 
The victory was an expensive one, for it cost the life of their 
brave commander. 

Instead of following up an enemy no longer capable of re- 
sistance, and capturing the forts here and at Crown Point, 
Johnson took his army to the foot of Lake George, and wasted 
the autumn in building a wooden fort, subsequently known as 
Fort William Henry. The French, whose power of recupera- 
tion, then as now, exceeded that of any other nation, profited by 
his inaction to fortify themselves at Ticonderoga. \Ye shall 
see, hereafter, how costly to the American Colonies was this 
introduction of the waiting poHcy in war. 

Although the year 1756 passed without any general engage- 
ment, almost every week ^vitnessed a scout, an ambush, or a 
skirmish. The main body of tlie Americans remained near 
Fort William Henry, where, about the first of July, Shirley, 
who had succeeded Johnson, gave up the command to Aber- 
crombie. During this summer, Montcalm arrived from France, 
hastened to this place, and assumed command of an army of 
about five thousand men. He did not here enter upon any 
active operations against the English ; but, having made him- 
self familiar with the locality, and greatly improved its de- 
fenses, hurried to Oswego, which, by an energetic attack, he 
captured. This year was signalized by the commencement of 
operations by tlie Rangers, under Rogers and Stark, who were 
constantly engaged in annoying the enemy and cutting off his 
detached parties. In the French market, English scalps pro- 
duced sixty livres, or about twelve dollars, each ; and English 
prisoners found a ready sale, in Canada, at sixty crowns.^'*' 

<'> I. Rogers' Journal, pp. 13-37. 



12 

« 
The year 1757 is a noted one in the history of the valleys 

of Lakes George and Champlain. The Eangers held Fort 
William Henry through the winter, whence they kept up a suc- 
cession of attacks upon the French. On the 15th of January, 
Stark and Rogers, witli fifty privates, went from Fort Edward 
to William Henry, where they were joined by thirty-two 
officers and men. They proceeded down the lake, and 
flanking this place, struck Lake Champlain about midway be- 
tween Ticonderoga and Crown Point. There they attacked a 
convoy of provisions, coming to this place on sledges. It was 
a successful, though rash act, for there were four times their 
number of Frenchmen in their rear. Learning from their 
prisoners the number of men at the two forts, Stark and Rog- 
ers at once set out on their return. Within a half mile of the 
fihore, two hundred and fifty French and Indians fell upon 
them. Undismayed by superior numbers, they fought their 
way back to Lake George, and finally reached Fort William 
Henry, after a week's absence, and the loss of one-third of 
their party. ^^^ 

The French retaliated. In March, a party of fifteen hund- 
red, under the command of Yaudreuil, made the march from 
this place on snow-shoes, drawing their provisions on sleds, and 
attacked Fort William Henry, hoping to carry it by surprise. 
They were not successful, and were compelled to retire, after 
burning a few boats, some outbuildings, and inflicting other 
slight injuries upon the Americans. 

A change in the cliaracter of tliis warfare, was now impend- 
ing. The skillful, brave and energetic Montcalm assumed 
command of the French, and at once prepared for ofiensive 
operations. He began by thoroughly arousing the passions of 
thirty-three Indian tribes, which had been collected by the 
French Governor at Montreal. He secured their confidence, 

<*> Rogers' Journal, p. 44. 



13 

by joining in their dances, singing their war songs, and 
they placed themselves unreservedly under his direction. 
With their excitement at the highest point, he set out with 
them for Ticonderoga. He reached this fort with the largest 
Indian war party ever collected upon tlie lake, numbering more 
than two hundred canoes. The precise number of men he 
collected here and at Crown Point, we do not know ; but it 
more than four times outnumbered tlie American army to 
which it was opposed. Montcalm spent but little time in 
preparation, — long enough, however, to send out a scouting 
party toward Fort Edward, which returned with forty-two 
fresh-torn American scalps, and only one prisoner. These 
trophies excited the Indians to frenzy. Montcalm restrained 
them with diihculty. On the 24th July, twenty barges of 
Americans, under Colonel Parker, appeared on the lake. The 
Indians rushed upon them, took one hundred and sixty prison- 
ers, killed and dispersed the rest of the force. The succeeding 
ten days were tilled with events which I must pass over. 

It must suffice to say, that on the second of August, 
Montcalm, with an army of eight thousand French and 
Indians, had surrounded Fort William Henry, defended by less 
than five hundred men within the fort, and seventeen hundred 
intrenched around it. 

You know what a bloody tragedy ensued ; how the gallant 
Monroe, who had only reached the fort the day previous, an- 
swered the summons to surrender with defiance ; how for five 
days he held the place against the assailing host of mad devils, 
directed by French genius, while the pusillanimous AVebb, with 
an army of five thousand men, lay trembling at Fort Edward, 
and answered his demands for assistance by advice to capitu- 
late ; how, when aware that Webb's letter had been inter- 
cepted by Montcalm, who thus knew that all his hope of help 
was cut off, he would not treat until half his guns were burst. 



14 

and his ammunition was exliausted ; how Montcalm, generous 
to so brave an enemy, granted him the liberal terras of march- 
ing his men, with their arms and baggage, under an escort to 
the nearest fort ; how, after the surrender, the gallant French- 
man more than once periled his life to keep his agreement ; 
and, finally, how his savage allies swung the relentless toma- 
hawk against their defenseless prisoners, until they had reduced 
the army to a herd of six hundred fugitives under the shelter- 
ing guns of Fort Edward ! It was, indeed, a bloody scene — 
too awful for description — the most cruel and devilish which 
these valleys, the battle-ground of centuries, have ever wit- 
nessed !^^^ 

This campaign well nigh extinguished the English power on 
this frontier, — for, if Webb did not give up Fort Edward, it 
was because he was not attacked in his paralysis of fear. This 
fehameful result was due not less to the cowardice of the Ene:- 
lish commanders, than to the dashing bravery of Montcalm. 
The Rangers alone declined to participate in the general trepi- 
dation. They hurried forward to the bloody ground, some of 
them within twenty-four hours of the massacre, and until the 
next spring, by a series of well-directed attacks, were a con- 
stant annoyance to the enemy. 

A change in the British Ministry, which brought Mr. Pitt 
into the Cabinet, put new energy into the prosecution of the 
war in America, and, from the year 1758, affixirs in the colo- 
nies began to assume a more favorable aspect. But, while 
British arms were everywhere else triumphant, the day of dis- 
aster in this quarter had not yet closed. In the season of 1758,- 
three expeditions were undertaken against the French. One 
resulted in the capture of Louisburg; another in that of Fort 
du Quesne. We are concerned only with the third — the 
largest, the most promising — the only one unsuccessful. 

<5) See Appendix 1. 



15 

The enthusiasm of the colonies, animated by the spirit of 
the home government, by the first of July, had collected upon 
the banks of Lake George the most numerous, best equipped, 
and most effective army theretofore mustered on American 
soil. It was composed of nine thousand Provincials, sixty-five 
hundred British regulars and six hundred rangers. Abercrom- 
bie was nominally at the head of the force, but its real com- 
mander was the young, brave and popular Lord Howe. 

At early daw a, on the fifth of July, these soldiers, sixteen 
thousand in number, folded their tents and launched themselves 
#- on the placid bosom of Lake St. Sacrament. Their movement 

required a thousand boats, exclusive of the rafts which floated 
their artillery. The glorious pageant, decked with waving 
banners, cheered by the strains of martial music, moved slowly 
down the lake. As the rays of the morning sun flashed Irom 
their gli^ening bayonets and lit up the contrast between the 
scarlet uniforms of the regulars and the wealth of green in 
which the wilderness was clothed, — as their oars, with meas- 
ured stroke, broke tlie surface of that lovely sheet of water, 
its lofty shores towered above such a military display as they 
never saw before — may never ^Wtness again. The living poem 
was complete, when, as the shades of evening fell, just beyond 
the place where the mountain slope descends below the surface 
of the waters, on a point named after the quiet of the Sabbath 
day, they landed and spread their couches for a few hours' 
repose. 

The enemy they were moving to attack would have made a 
sorry show in the pageantry of war. In numbers it did not 
exceed thirty-seven hundred men. But they had been trained 
to war, and they were commanded by a master who knew how 
to avail himself of all his resources. He was even able to 
transfuse into each soldier enough of his own untiring activity 
to more than double his ordinary military value. On yonder 



16 

height, he had built Fort Carillon. On the east, south and 
south-west, it was defended by the lake and river. On the 
north was a swamp, wet and impassable. There was only a 
space, a little more than a half mile broad, which Kature had 
left undefended ; and across this he stretched, behind earth- 
works, his main line of defense. 

Kor was this all. You need not read history to learn how 
the active Frenchman protected the approaches to his main 
line, for his works, now, after the lapse of more than a century, 
are nearly as perfect as they were the night before the battle. 
About a half mile in front of the narrowest neck of the penin 
sula, is a low ridge, sloping from the river towards the lake. 
Along this ridge he threw up a heavy earthwork, defended in 
front by a deep-dug ditch. Along the banks of the river and 
Bwamp, connecting this work with his main line, were small earth 
forts, which effectually defended him against an attack'in flank. 
In front of the ridge, for the distance of a musket range, the 
trees had been felled with their tops outward, forming an 
abbatis, which was well nigh impassable. Still further up, at 
the river crossing, was a strong natural position, from which 
the river rounded northward to the landing like a bow, of 
which the road represents the string, intersecting the river a 
little below the head of the portage. The river crossing was 
held by three French regiments, with their pickets thrown for- 
ward to the landing ; and a body of three hundred men, under 
Trapezec, was advanced into the woods on the western shore 
of Lake George. 

Montcalm determined, early in the campaign, to fight the 
Enghsh at Ticonderoga. On the day an enemy of four times 
his strength was moving to attack him, he wrote to the Gov- 
ernor of Canada : " I have chosen to fight them on the heights 
of Carillon; and I shall beat them there, if they give me time 
to gain the position."'*^ Montcalm commanded savages, and 

<») IV. Bancroft, p. 208. 



,17 

caused massacres ; but he was a brave soldier, and a true man 
cannot now write his name without a tlirill of admiration. 

Before midnight of the fifth, the Enghsh moved from Sab- 
bath Day Point to a cove, about a mile above the outlet, pro- 
tected by a point, which that morning took the name of Lord 
Howe. There they landed, and forming in four columns, be- 
gan their march. As soon as they had left Sabbath Day Point, 
Montcalm ordered all his forces, which had been thrown out 
in advance, back into their intrenchments in front of Carillon. 
All obeyed except the detachment of Trapezec, which, falling 
back from its position on the western shore of the lake^ lost its 
way, and for some hours wandered in the woods in search of 
the road across the portage. Meantime, the English were 
moving slowly forward, their columns josthng against each 
other, upon the rough ground, in the morning twilight. Near 
the outlet of Trout Brook, the right centre, commanded by 
Lord Howe, came in contact with Trapezec's party. Although 
they fought bravely, they were struck and crushed in a mo- 
ment. It was an accidental skirmish, but one of those acci- 
dents which decide the fortunes of a campaign, for it cost the 
life of the gallant nobleman in command, who fell at the head 
of his column. 

The fall of Lord Howe was the ruin of the expedition. 
"With his death, order vanished — the morale of the army was 
destroyed. There was no force threatening his immediate 
front, and yet Abercrombie fell back to the landing, and thus 
gave Montcalm the precious hours he needed to complete his 
preparations. 

I pass over details. On the morning of the eighth, the 
French commander was ready. Every man was in his sta- 
tion behind Intrenchments, which the practiced eyes of Stark, 
and even some of the English officers, saw were too formidable 
to be carried by assault. Like Braddock, Abercrombie would 
2 



18 

not be advised by backwoodsmen. He moved in three col- 
umns straight on the centre of the French works. Braver men 
never rushed upon their fate ; never was defence more success- 
ful. For three full hours, the grenadiers and the Highlanders 
hurled themselves against the wall of fire, only to be beaten 
back, and again to dash forward. Every point in the intrench- 
ments was assaulted. Kow they sought to turn the Frencli 
left. The omnipresent Montcalm met them with his best men. 
They crowded around his right, — Montcalm was there to face 
them ! Did an officer fall in the centre, — Montcalm was in 
presence until his place, was suppHed ! The English did not 
make an impression even on the exterior line. The work was 
too close for artillery, but swivels and small arms condensed 
their discharges into a continuous roar, pouring a shower of 
leaden hail into an enemy at times not fifteen paces from their 
muzzles. But human energy could not achieve impossibihties. 
At length, beaten back at every point ; entangled in the brush- 
wood and fallen timber ; melting, like a snow^ in June, before 
the withering fire ; the English became so bewildered as to fire 
into each other. Abercrombie had hidden away where he 
could not be found. It was six o'clock in the evening, when 
two thousand men, the flower of the army, lay dead or wounded 
in front of the intrenchments^ tliat the order was given for re- 
treat, which, in a few moments, became flight in promiscuous 
disorder. 

Had Howe lived, or Stark commanded, the EngHsh might 
have been rallied at the landing ; their artillery have been 
placed on Mount Defiance, w^hich they still held, and the 
French have been shelled out of their works. But Abercrom- 
bie was thoroughly beaten ; and he gave no rest to his feet 
until he had placed the length of Lake George between him- 
self and an enemy not strong enough to pursue him. He did 
not feel entirely safe until he had sent his artillery and ammu- 
nition to Albany. 



19 

During the remainder of the season, tlie French were alert, 
the English inactive. There were numerous skirmishes in 
which the French were usually victors. Putnam was captured, 
and only saved from the stake by the interference of a French 
officer. N'ovember brought Amherst, the conqueror of Louis- 
burg ; and when he assumed the command the long season of 
Enghsh disaster came to an end. " Abercrombie went home 
to England ; was secured from censure, maligned the Ameri- 
cans, and afterwards assisted in Parliament to tax the witnesses 
of his pusillanimity.'-^^ 

Successful as this campaign had been, it was the last sub- 
stantial effort of the French to maintain their supremacy here. 
The vigilance of the English cruisers made reinforcements from 
France impossible, and the ceaseless activity of Montcalm had 
exhausted Canada of supplies and men. He wrote to his home 
government, that, without external assistance, Canada must 
fall ; and his words were prophetic. The winter of 1758-9 
brought its annual crop of scouts and skirmishes, which settled 
nothing. On the fifth of March, Rogers with three hundred 
and fifty men, came down to Sabbath Day Point, where, leav- 
ing a part of his force, he crossed South Bay to the eastern 
shore of Lake Champlain, and opposite Ticonderoga attacked 
and dispersed a working party of the enemy. He was pur- 
sued by two hundred and thirty French and Indians, a mile 
and a half, to a favorable position, where he gave battle, and 
defeated them. He then, with trifling loss, made his way back 
to Fort Edward. ^^^ The place of this fight cannot be definitely 
fixed from the account given by Rogers. 

On the 21st of July, Amherst, having collected an army of 
eleveu thousand men, passed down Lake George and landed 
on the eastern shore, near the outlet. Halting his main body, 
he sent forward a party of Rangers under Rogers, who attacked 

(^) IV. Bancroft, 309. <«> Rogers' Journal 129 to 134 



20 

the French at the mills, drove them out, and held the position. 
The army then proceeded to invest Ticonderoga. The heroic 
Montcalm, who never recoiled in the presence of an enemy, 
was no longer here. He was on the Heights of Abraham, 
gathering up the last remnants of Canadian strength, to meet, 
not his master, but his peer, in a struggle in which both were 
doomed to fall. The siege here, began. For two days the 
French kept up a constant fire of cannon upon the Enghsh. 
But during the day of the 24th, the Rangers dragged three 
boats across the portage into Lake Champlain, intending to cut 
away the boom to the eastern shore, in order that the English 
boats might pass the fort, and cut off the French retreat. 
Before this could be accomplislied, about nine o'clock in the 
evening of the 26th, the French sprung their mines, blew up 
the fort, rushed to their boats, and hastily retreated toward 
Crown Point. Rogers, with his Rangers, dashed upon them 
from the Vermont shore, and captured ten boats with fifty bar- 
rels of powder and a large quantity of baggage and suppHes. 

Amherst was slow and cautious. Instead of following up 
the French, he halted his army, and began to repair the fort. 
The Rangers were constantly scouting in the direction of the 
enemy. On the first of August, one of their parties returned 
with news that the French had abandoned Crown Point, with- 
out waiting to destroy it, and retreated down the lake. The 
lilies of France had floated over these waters for the last time. 

The French retired to Isle Aux J^oix, which they held with 
a force of thirty-five hundred men. Amherst remained here 
until October, engaged in fitting out a naval force, with which 
lie intended to drive the enemy from the lake. AA^hen he 
finally moved, the weather was stormy, and winter was at hand. 
He succeeded in destroying the enemy's vessels at the north 
end of the lake, and then returned here into winter quarters. 

Meantime, Rogers, with his Rangers had been sent upon an 



21 

expedition, which for its perseverance through hardship and 
privation, deserves a more full description than it can have in 
this connection. The Indians at the Trois Rivieres had long 
ravaged the northern frontiers with impunity, and Kogers un- 
dertook to chastise them for their savage barbarities. Leaving 
Crown Point on the 12th of September, he went to Missisquoi 
Bay, where, concealing his boats and provisions, he pushed for- 
ward his expedition. On the following day, he was overtaken 
by the guards left to watch the boats, with information that a 
party of four hundred French and Indians had captured his 
boats, and were following him in hot pursuit. Without halting, 
he detached a party and sent it back to Amherst, with direc- 
tions to send provisions across the mountains to the mouth of 
White River, by which route he promptly determined to return. 
Outmarching his pursuers, he reached the Indian village on the 
4th of October, and found the Indians engaged in a scalp 
dance. The sight of some hundreds of American scalps, dis- 
played on poles, did not greatly dispose the hearts of the 
Rangers to mercy. Adopting the Indian practice, they at- 
tacked the village in the gray of the morning, and out of three 
hundred savages, slew two hundred and captured twenty. 
Returning by the Coos route, after great suffering and almost 
in a starving condition, Rogers and his party finally reached 
Crown Point with a loss of three officers and forty-six men.^'^ 

There was Httle fighting in this quarter during the next cam- 
paign — that of 1760. An expedition, under Haviland, moved 
down Lake Champlain, driving the French before it, with 
trifling resistance at Isle Aux Noix and St. Johns, until it met 
an army under Amherst, which came through Lake Ontario, 
down the St. LawTence, and halted in front of Montreal. An 
army from Quebec had also reached the same point. The con- 
quest of Canada was now completed. Montreal sm-rendered, 

W Marauit, Histoire des Abenakis, p. 489, 



22 

and thenceforward, until the peace of 1T63, these solitudes 
were no longer -vexed by savage or civilized warfare. 



Ticonderoora next demands our attention in its relation to 
our own Kevolution. It was the first fortified position won 
from British arms — its capture made revolution a necessity and 
independence sure. Yermonters maintain now, as they always 
have maintained, that this fort was captured by the Green 
Mountain Boys, commanded by their trusted leader, Ethan 
Allen. Within a few years, this claim has been questioned. 
The glory of this achievement has been sought to be awarded 
to an abandoned traitor. Without questioning the motives or 
the research of the advocates of Benedict Arnold, let us try 
here, to-day, upon the very ground itself, to put to rest finally 
and forever, the question — 

WHO TOOK TICONDEROGA? 

This question ought to be settled by evidence cotemporary 
"with the act. Such evidence is subject to the legal rule, which 
makes admissible the acts and declarations of the parties imme- 
diately concerned, which, tliongh subsequent to the capture, 
are so directly connected with it as to constitute a part of the 
res gestcB. When this evidence is all brought together and 
properly weighed, it is not impossible that doubts, which have 
been suggested by an imperfect examination of the subject, 
will disappear. 

JiCt us first briefly notice one or two conditions applicable to 
this evidence. 



23 

The earnest controversy which had long existed hetween the 
settlers of the New Hampshire Grants and the leading officials 
of New York, not always free from scenes of violence and 
blood, some years before the battle of Lexington, had called 
into existence, upon the Grants, an effective military organiza- 
tion known by tlie name of the Green Mountain Boys. Many 
of these settlers were old soldiers, who became acquained with 
the attractions of the country when they were Provincials or 
Rangers, under Putnam, Stark and Rogers. Their colonel and 
leader was Ethan Allen. They were formed into a regiment 
as early as 1771. We can now trace the existence of five 
companies, each formed in its own locality, and there were 
doutHess others. Seth Warner was captain of the Bennington 
company, which was organized inl764.^'"^ Remember Baker 
was captain of the company raised in Arlington ; Robert Coch- 
ran of the Rupert company, and Gideon Warren of that raised 
in Sunderland and vicinity.^"* Another, raised near the New 
York line, was commanded by Dr. Ebenezer Marvin, of Still- 
water.^'^* These and other companies were well equipped, 
officered and drilled. They knew the value of discipline and 
prompt obedience. They were raised, not for holiday display, 
but to defend their homes and property. The promptness with 
which they obeyed the call of their leaders is illustrated in the 
pursuit and rescue of Baker from liis captors, in March, 1772. 

Having no legally organized government, these settlers gave 
the direction of their civil affairs into the hands of small body 
of their wisest men, which was first known as the " Grand 
Committee," and later, as "The Council of Safety." This 
body exercised all the executive powders of a State government, 
for many years. Its sessions were frequent ; and, before the 
Revolution, were usually held at Bennington. It is safe to say, 



<'") Heramenway's Gazetteer, Vol. I., p. 143. 

0») Ira Allen's Hist. Vt., p. 20. ; Hairs Early Hist. Vt., pp. 128-13- 

(^2) Hemraeuway's Gaz., \'ol. II., tit. Frankliu. 



24 

that in the year 1775, the Grants had as efficient a civil gov- 
ernment as anj of the colonies ; and, assuredly, no colony had 
a more thorough military organization. In the light of these 
well authenticated facts, the evidence bearing upon the question 
before us must be considered. It is obvious that they will ex- 
ercise considerable influence upon its solution. . • 

With few exceptions, these settlers were New England men 
— attached to her institutions, intrenched in her habits — warm 
disciples of the doctrine of self-government. The same fuel 
which fed the fires of liberty in Fanueil Hall was abundant on 
the Grants. We shall see hereafter that the call for resistance 
to oppression nowhere met with a more hearty, unanimous 
response than from the pioneers among the Green Mount ^ns. 

It was to such a people, thus organized, that John Brown, 
of Fittsfield, came, late in February, 1775, on his way to Can- 
ada. On the 15th of that month, the Congress of Massachu- 
setts, impressed with the necessity of keeping the Canadians 
and Indians neutral, if they could not be won to the popular 
cause in the struggle which they knew was near ; by resolution, 
directed their committee to open a correspondence to that end. 
The committee sent Mr. Brown upon the mission, and fur- 
nished him with letters and documents to promote his success. 
Pittsfield was not a hah' day's ride from Bennington^ where 
Allen hved and the Grand Committee held its sessions. It 
was the principal town upon the great route of emigration to 
the Grants. Its patriotic minister bore Allen's name, and was 
his friend. Communication between these two towns was fre- 
quent, and the condition of affairs upon the Grants must have 
been well known to Brown and his neighbors. He acted 
promptly upon that knowledge. He delayed long enough to 
visit Albany, and put himself in communication with Dr. 
Young, and then took the shortest route, across the Grants, to 
Canada. It was a part of his business to " establish a rehable 



25 

means of communication through the GrantsP That lie was 
in close relations with the leaders, we know, for one of them 
became his guide to Canada. This was Feleg Sunderland, ^'^ 
one of the eight whom the officials of Xew York had outlawed 
and condemned to death, without the trouble of arrest, or the ex- 
pense of a trial. He was sent to inform himself of the feehng 
of the people, and he must have met Colonel Allen, consulted 
with the Grand Committee, and have known of the organiza- 
tion, for he declares that the Green Mountain Boys had un- 
dertaken to capture Ticonderoga. Satisfied with the condition 
of affairs on the Grants, he forced his way through many diffi- 
culties to Canada, made use of his two companions, one of 
whom had been a captive among them, to win over the Indians, 
and leaving executed his mission, on the 29th of March, writes 
an account of it, from Montreal, to Dr. Warren and Samuel 
Adams, the Massachusetts Committee, and, as if he were mak- 
ing a new and important suggestion, brought to his notice 
while on the Grants, says — 

" One thing I must mention, to be kept a profound secret. Tlie fort at 
Ticondei'oga must be seized as soon as possible, should hostilities be com- 
mitted by the King's troops. The people on the New Hampshire Grants 
Tiaxe engaged to do this business ; and, in my opinion, they are the most proper 
persons for this job. This will effectually curb this province, and all the 
troops that may be sent here."(**> 

A moment's reflection makes the fact evident that the pro- 
posal to capture Ticonderoga probably came to Bro^sm from, 
and w^as not by him suggested to, the people of the Grants. 
He communicated it to the Massachusetts Congress as a proper 
thing to be done, because he supposed it had not occurred to 
them. He wrote the letter after he had had an interview with 
the Yermonters, in which they " engaged to do this business." 
Had Brown thought of it before he visited the Grants, he would 
probably have spoken of it to his associates, and there would 

J"iApp. No. 3. <'*) App. Xo. 4. 



26 

have been no necessity for this communication. ' Which is the 
more probable, that the Yermonters, who lived in the vicinity, 
on an exposed frontier, which would be protected by the cap- 
ture — who knew that Ticonderoga was the very " Gate of the 
Country " (and the only one), through which a hostile expedi- 
tion from Canada could enter it — many of whom had been 
fighting through half a dozen campaigns to take it, should have 
been impressed with the necessity to themselves, as well as the 
colonies, of surprising these forts before they were reinforced, 
and should have seized the first opportunity through Brown of 
making its value known to the other colonies ; or that Brown, 
a resident of Western Massachusetts, and a comparative stran- 
ger to the facts, should have made the suggestion to the Yer- 
monters ? There is nothing in Mr. Brown's letter indicating 
that the idea of the capture originated with him ; and positive 
proof will be cited that it was first proposed by the Yermonters. 

Nor is there the slightest evidence that the proposition of 
Mr. Brown received any attention in Massachusetts. That 
colony was fully occupied with its own concerns, for it was the 
central point of revolution. It had no time to devote to mat- 
ters which directly concerned only this remote northern frontier. 
Although the letter of Mr. Brown shows that the capture of 
this fort was discussed among the Yermonters earher than else- 
where, I do not regard the fact as of any considerable import- 
ance. In view of the impending contest, it may have occurred 
to thousands ; it must have occurred to those who were acquaint- 
ed with the value of the position in past wars. But they who 
organized the expedition, were ready to act at the proper time, 
and who finally made the capture, are entitled to the credit, 
although a multitude of others had spoken of the enterprise as 
desirable. 

The next witness, in chronological order, is Ethan Allen. 
His full account of the condition of aff*airs upon the Grants, 



• 27 

and the events which preceded the capture, has not heen cited 
hy any of. the numerous writers ujpon this subject. A sur- 
prising omission, in \'iew of the fact that his account was pub- 
lished when there was a half regiment of hving witnesses, 
shortly after the event, and before any controversy in relation 
to it had arisen. It is found in Allen's " Vindication," as it is 
called, pubhshed in 1779, only four years after the capture. 

This account not only throws light upon the question we are 
discussing, but it also ]3roves the spontaneous loyalty of the 
Yermonters to the cause of liberty. It points out their vital 
interest in the coming revolution, for their controversy with the 
New Yorkers had just been submitted to the king and Privy 
Council, with every prospect of an early decision in tbeir favor. 
It r^^fers to tlieir frontier, extended to the Province of Quebec, 
exposed to an enemy in possession of this fort and Crown 
Point, with a vessel of war upon the lake. " The battle of 
Lexington," says Allen, " ahnost distracted them, for interest 
inclined them to the royal side of the dispute, but the stronger 
impulses of affection to their country, impelled them to resent 
its wrongs ; " and " tlie ties of consanguinity, similarity of 
religion and manners to ^N'ew England, whence they had emi- 
grated, weighed heavy in their deliberations." Moreover, they 
" believed the cause of the country to be just," and that '^ re- 
sistance to Great Britain had become the indispensable duty of 
a free people ;" in short, he declares that their interest and their 
patriotism were directly opposed. He states that, " soon after 
the news of Lexington battle, the principal officers of the Green 
Mountain Boys, and other principal inhabitants, were convened 
at Bennington, and attempted to explore futurity, which was 
found to be unfathomable, and the scenes which have since 
taken place, then appeared to be precarious and uncertain ;" 
but after consideration, it was " resolved to take an active part 
with the country, and thereby annihilate the old quarrel with 



» T' 



■}:■ ;"'> n 



, i'Jt 



i .1'- 



'V.. •■•• J 



- . 28 

New York, by swallowing it up in the general conflict for lib- 
erty." I invite your special attention to what he says of 
Ticonderoga : 

"But the enemy having the command of Lake Champlain and the gar- 
risons contiguous to it, was ground of great uneasiness to those inhabit- 
ants who had extended their settlements on the river Otter Creek and 
Onion River, and along the east side of the lake aforesaid, who, in conse- 
quence of a war, would be under the power of the enemy. It was, there- 
fore, projected to surprise the garrisons of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
with the armed vessel on the lake, and gain the command of that import- 
ant pass ; inasmuch as such an event would in a great measure secure 
those inhabitants from the enemy, obliging them to take post in Canada ; 
but whether such a measure would be agreeable to Congress or not, they 
could not for certain determine. But it was apprehended that if these 
posts were not soon taken they would be strongly reinforced, and become 
impregnable to any attack, short of a regular seige, for which, at that 
time, the country was very deficient in the articles of artillery, »fcc." 

" While these matters tcere deliberating, a committee from the Council of 
Connecticut arriced at Bennington, with advice and directions to carry into 
execution the surprise of those garrisons, and, if possible, to gain the 
command of the lake. Which was done without loss of time." ('^^ 

We have here Allen's positive declaration that tlie Yermont- 
ers, who had the deepest interest in it, projected the capture of 
this fort, before the arrival of the gentlemen from Connecticut, 
and were only restrained from acting through fear of the dis- 
approval of Congress. With this declaration before me, I 
think we carry the admission a little too far, when we say that 
" the honor of devising and putting the expedition in motion 
belongs to the gentlemen from Connecticut." A more strictly 
accurate statement of the fact, I think, would be that they set 
it in motion ; but that the honor of devising the expedition, as 
well as its successful execution, belongs to the Green Mountain 
Boys. 

Let us now inquire what was done in Connecticut by way of 
putting the expedition for the capture of Ticonderoga in 
motion ; and incidentally meet the claim, once put forward by 

t«s) See App. No. 5. 



29 

Mr. Bancroft, but afterwards withdrawn, that the first impulse 
was given to it by Samuel Adams, when on his way to the 
meetino- of Congress. The assertion has been made that in so 
doing, Mr. Adams was acting upon the suggestion of Mr. John 
Brown. But the claim is made by a writer of no authority, 
and who gives no authority for his statement. Colonel Samuel 
H. Parsons, of Connecticut, in a letter to Joseph Trumbull, of 
June 2, 1775, says <^^^ that on the' 26th of April, on his way 
from Massachusetts to Hartford, he met Benedict Arnold, who 
gave him an account of the condition of Ticonderoga, and the 
number of cannon there. Arnold was on his way to Cam- 
bridge, with a company of volunteers. It does not appear that 
anything was said in that interview about the capture of this 
fort. But Colonel Parsons says, that he reached Hartford on 
the forenoon of April 27th (Thursday) ; that on his arrival. 
Colonel Sam. Wyllys, Mr. Deane and himself " first undertook 
and projected the taking of " Ticonderoga ; and with the 
assistance of three other persons, procured money, men, &c., 
and sent them out on this expedition, without any consultation 
with the Assembly or others. The three other persons were 
Thomas Mumford, Christopher Lefiingwell and Adam Babcock. 
The receipts signed by these gentlemen show that the next day 
(Friday, the 28th) they procured from the treasury three hund- 
red pounds, which they promised to account for, to the satisfac- 
tion of the colony.^'''^ On the same 28th of April, they gave 
the money to Noah Phelps and Bernard Eomans, who imme- 
diately started in the direction of the Grants. That Samuel 
Adams and Hancock had nothing to do ivith the project, is 
shown by Mr. Hancock's letter, dated at Worcester, Mass., on 
the 26th, in which he states his purpose to leave the next day f^^ 
and the statement of Mr. Wells, the biographer of Samuel 
Adams, that Adams and Hancock left Worcester in company, 

(«) App. No. 6. (") Conn. Hist. Soc. Colls., Vol. I., p. 184, 185. 

(»8) Force's Archives 4tli S., Vol. II., p. 401. 



•;» .a«. 



f 



30 

on tlie 27th, and were at Hartford, on the 29th. With the 
slow conveyances of those days, it is impossible that they 
should liave reached Hartford before Phelps and Eomans had 
left, with the money, on Frida}'.^'^^ 

From this time, we have the written account of the real direc- 
tor of the expedition, so far as Connecticut is concerned, whose 
particular and minute relation is confirmed by all the other tes- 
timony. It is the journal of Captain Edward Mott, who sub- 
sequently acted as the chairman of the committee having the 
enterprise in charge. 

The journal of Captain Mott records his arrival at Hartford, 
and his interview with Messrs. Parsons, Deane and Lefiingwell, 
on Friday, April 28th ; their inquiry if he would undertake 
an expedition against Ticonderoga, and his affirmative reply. 
They regretted that he had not arrived one day sooner, for they 
had laid the plan, and sent off Phelps and Romans, with three 
hundred pounds in money, and autliority to draw for more if 
needed ; that they had gone by the way of Salisbury, where 
Mott could join them, and he received an order to have his 
voice in laying, out the money. Mott readily accepted their 
offer, and with five companions started, on Saturday, the 29th 
of April. They reached Sahsbury on the 30th ; increased their 
company to sixteen, and on Monday, May 1st, went to Shef- 
field, whence they sent two of their number to Albany, " to 
ascertain the temper of the people." Monday night, they 
passed with Colonel Easton, in Pittsfield. There they " fell in 
company with John Brown, Esq., who had been at Canada and 
Ticonderoga about a month before." They "concluded to 
make known our (their) business to Colonel Easton and said 
Brown, and take their advice on the same." It is evident that 
their coming was unexpected to Brown and Easton, to whom 
their purpose was then fii-st made known. 

u ) See App. No. 7. 



31 

To avoid discovery, they had been advised not to raise their 
men until they reached the Grants ; but Brown and Easton, in 
view of the scarcity of provisions and poverty of the people 
there, thought they had better raise a number of men- sooner, 
and Easton offered to enlist some from his own regiment. To 
this they agreed ; Easton and Brown joined them ; the former 
went to Jericho and Williamstow^n, w^here he raised in all thirty- 
nine men, and got them ready to march. Easton and Mott 
then set out for Bennington, where they arrived the next day, 
probably as late as the 4th, perhaps the 5th of May, On their 
way, they met an express, who reported that the fort here was 
repaired ; that the garrison had been reinforced, and was on being 
its guard ; but, disregarding the account, they pressed forward. 

At Bennington, they overtook the rest of their people, ex- 
""cept Phelps and Mr. Hancock, who had gone forward to recon- 
nc^'tre the fort, and the two not yet returned from Albany. 
There Romans left them, and " joined no more." " We were 
all glad," says Mott, " as he had been a trouble to us all 
the time he was with us." This Romans, is the " eminent 
engineer," recently brought forward by the admirers of Arnold, 
as one of the leading spirits of the expedition. He was a fit 
companion of Arnold, who finally quarreled himself out of the 
service before the close of the year.^-°^ 

The journal of Captain Mott shows that the news from the 
fort was discussed at Bennington, but was considered unreliable. 
Mr. Halsey and Mr. Bull declared that "they would go back 
for no story, until they had seen the fort themselves." Find- 
ing provisions scarce, they sent Captain Stephens and Mr. 
Hewitt to Albany, to purchase and forward them as soon as 
possible. 

Guarding the roads to the west and northward, they pro- 
ceeded to raise men as fast as they could, and on " Sunday, the 

(20) Force's Archives, 4th S., Vol. 3, p. 1364-7. 



32 

7th of May, they all arrived at Castleton, the place we (they) 
had appointed for tlie men all to meet;" and on Monday, May 
8th, " the committee all got together, to conclude in what man- 
ner we would proceed to accomplish our design, of which com- 
mittee I (Mott) was chairman." After debating the various 
proposals, and what to do in the event of a repulse, they " re- 
solved and voted " to despatch thirty men, under Captain Her- 
rick, to Skenesborough, to seize Major Skene, his party and 
boats ; and take the latter, on the following night, down the 
lake to Shoreham, to be in readiness to carry the detachment, on 
its arrival, across to Ticonderoga, where the rest of the men, 
one hundred and forty in number, were also to march the next 
day. Captain Douglas was to go to Crown Point, where his 
brother-in-law was, and endeavor, by some stratagem, to get 
possession of the king's boats, to assist in carrying over the 
men." '-^ It was further agreed that Colonel Ethan Allfn 
should have the covimand of the party that should go against 
Ticonderoga, agreeable to my promise, made to the men ichen 
I engaged them to go, that they should he comrnandedhy their 
own officers.^'' "The whole plan," he continues, "was settled 
by a vote of the committee. In the evening, after tlie party 
to Skenesborough was drafted out, "Colonel Allen went to 
Mr. Wessel's, in Shoreham, to meet some men who were to 
come in there, having received his orders at what time he must 
be ready to take possession of the garrison of Ticonderoga."^^^ 

Leaving now the journal of Captain Mott, for the time, with 
the little patriot army taking a night's rest at Castleton, it may 
interest you to devote a few minutes to Allen's connection, up 
to this point, with the enterprise, and the chcumstances under 
which his men were brougiht to^-ether. 

The controversy with the land speculators of New York, 
then more than twelve years old, had brought Allen into pub- 

App. No. 8. 



33 

lie notice throughout the colonies. During the past year, he 
had been -especially conspicuous. The land jobbers, who then 
controlled New York legislation, had proclaimed him an out- 
law, and set a price upon his head. He had answered them 
with characteristic defiance. In the other colonies he was 
looked upon as a man of great energy, firmness and intrepidity, 
possessing all the qualities of an effective military leader. By 
the Yermonters, with whom he had rendered himself popular 
by many acts of unselfish generosity, he was regarded as a per- 
fectly fearless enemy of every species of injustice and oppres- 
sion. Few men in America then occupied a larger share of 
the public attention ; there were none whose courage was less 
questionable. 

The military organization of the Yermonters, with Allen as 
their colonel, and the evidence tliat they had projected the cap- 
ture of this fort previous to the arrangement with Brown, in 
March, has already been mentioned. It may not be proved by 
direct evidence that all this was well known to Colonel Parsons 
and his associates in Connecticut; but I think a traverse 
jury would find that it was from the circumstances. Why, it 
may be asked ; did not Parsons and his co-workers raise their 
force in Connecticut, or on their way, in Massachusetts ? Why 
were Phelps and Romans sent straight to the Grants, with 
orders not to raise men until they reached there, if these facts 
were not well known to their principals ? They went by way 
of Salisbury, the old home of Ethan Allen, where his two 
brothers, Levi and Heman, then lived. Their first act was to 
send Heman, as an express to Bennington, to inform Ethan of 
their coming; and Levi was the fi.rst man who joined the 
expedition. Mott and his party made a stop at Pittsfield. 
Here tiie Eev. Thomas Allen, the intimate friend of Ethan and 
John Brown, was the settled minister,^^^ and here Brown, who 

<**> See App. No. 9. 



.1 'I 



had returned from the Grants only a month before, where he 
had discussed the subject of the capture, joined them. When 
the Connecticut party reached Bennington, they found the 
officers of Allen's regiment actually in consultation upon the 
subject, with the Grand Committee, and only restrained from 
acting through fear of the disapproval of Congress. That the 
leader of the Green Mountain Boys should lead this expedition 
was the spontaneous thought of every one. Up to the night 
of May 8th, at Castleton, no other leader was thought of by 
anybody. An account pubhshed in the Hartford. C our ant of 
May 22d, not two weeks after the capture, speaks of the 
engagement of Brown and Easton by Mott, at Fittsfield, and 
says : "They likewise immediately despatched an express to the 
intrepid Colonel Ethan Allen, desiring him to be ready to join 
them with a party of his valiant Green Mountain Boys." A 
letter from Fittsfield, of May 4th, the day that Mott, Easton 
and Brown left there, refers to their departure, " expecting to 
be reinforced by a thousand men from the Grants above here, 
a post \12mvig previously idik&n. his departure to inform Colonel 
Ethan Allen of the design, desiring him to hold his Green 
Mountain Boys in actual readiness."*^^ Captain Elisha Phelps, 
in a letter of May 16th, writes : " When we left Hartford, our 
orders were to repair to the Grants, and raise an army of 
men. * * * We pursued to Bennington, where we met 
Colonel Ethan Allen, who was much pleased with the expedi- 
tion."^*^ Finally, Allen himself declares that, "the first sys- 
tematical and bloody attempt at Lexington to enslave America, 
thoroughly electrified my mind, and fully determined me to 
take part with my country ; and while I was Tvishing for an 
opportunity to signalize myself in its behalf, directions were 
privately sent to me from the tlien Colony (now State) of Con- 
necticut, to raise the Green Mountain Boys, and with them (if 

<») Force, Vol. n. p. 507. ^> Conn. Hist. Coll. 2, Vol. i., p. 175. 



V' M Yy^ 



35 

possible) to surprise and take the fortress, Ticonderoga. This 
enterprise I cheeifully undertook."^'^^ 

Such evidence fills up the measure of proof beyond doubt, 
reasonable or otherwise, that the Yermonters were ready ; that 
the men of Connecticut knew they were prepared ; that Allen 
was the natural leader of the expedition. Against the solid 
wall of fact which it builds up, the detractors of Allen, the 
libellers of the Yermonters, the latter-day admirei-s of Bene- 
dict Arnold, will bring the little canons of their criticism to 
bear in vain. On this subject, I shall produce no other wit-, 
nesses. " They w^ho hear not Moses and the prophets, neither 
will they be persuaded, though one rose from the dead." 

Yermonters ! have you ever considered the circumstances 
under which this force was raised ? Go back with me to these 
Grants in May, 1775. The Revolution has scarcely com- 
menced ; Independence is not yet declared ; British tyranny is 
not here especially oppressive ; British troops have not vexed 
this people. The country is a wilderness. So slight an im- 
pression has the axe of the settler made on the primeval forests, 
that one who saw them from a little distance would tliink they 
had never been touched by the hand of man. The stumps are 
Tindecayed in the oldest clearing ; there is not here a city^ 
town or village — scarcely a hamlet ; for Bennington, the earli- 
est Grant, has not had its church and country store for half a 
score of years. Instead of railways and turnpikes, there are 
foot-paths and lines of marked trees. A single road west of 
the Mountains leads up to the old route to Crown Point, and 
there is scarcely another. Mails and post-offices are unknown. 
Wagons and other wheeled vehicles are not yet introduced. 
Travel is on foot. It is the most recently settled section of the 
colonies. 

Through this wilderness, from the Massachusetts line to the 

t^i) Allan's Narrative, p. 3. 



36 

Winooski River, there are scattered settlers. Each has located 
npon some share in a Grant, bought before his immigration, 
and this fact has located them widely apart. There is no State, 
county or town organization. All the government is purely 
voluntary. There are no binding laws ; there is no power to 
enforce obedience to law. There are only the Grand Commit- 
tee, Allen and the other leaders, and the Green Mountain 
Boys. 

In this world's goods these settlers are very poor ; they lack 
^the necessaries of life. " The people on the Grants are in 
much distress for want of provisions," writes Captain Phelps, 
on the 6th of May. " There was great scarcity of provisions ; 
the people are generally poor," says the journal of Captain 
Mott; and he relates how he sent his agents to Albany, to buy 
provisions, and forward them as soon as possible. Yes ! they 
were poor enough, in all but love of liberty ; in that, perhaps 
you are no richer to-day. 

Can an army be raised under such conditions, among such a 
people? Not to resist an attack, but to make one, and that 
the first in a Revolution ; to invade, and not to repel invasion. 
Not to defend the family and the fireside, but to engage in 
aggressive rebellion, in which failure brings the doom of trea- 
son to all ; to capture, by force of arms, the first fort from 
Great Britain, once their mother country, henceforth to be their 
powerful, remorseless enemy ; and all this with a celerity which 
must achieve success by a surprise ? Who would not have 
answered: "In New York or Massachusetts, with tlieir great 
cities, towns, civil organizations and dense populations, possibly 
yes; but here, on the New Hampshire Grants, in 1775, no; 
you state an impossibility ! " 

And yet that army was raised. On the ninth, certainly with- 
in ninety-six, and probably within seventy-two hours from 
Mott's arrival at Bennington, it was raised on these Grants, and 



:jiutfj^O 



37 

counting detached parties, it stood three hundred strong, on 
the east sliore of Lake Cliamplain, sixty miles away from the 
point of its origin, armed, equipped and officered, its plans all 
matured, ready to fall upon and capture Ticonderoga. How 
was this result accomplished ? 

This question has never been satisfactorily answered. Those 
concerned were proud of their success, but seem not to have 
been aware that in the quickness of their gathering, or energy 
of their movements, tliere was anything extraordinary. They 
did not care to preserve the facts ; and now the closest search 
reveals but little information on the subject. There is, how- 
ever, one fact, briefly stated. Perhaps it is enough, for it illu- 
minates the subject. From Castleton, Allen sent out a mes- 
senger to summon men to meet him at Shoreham, who raade 
a circuit of sixty miles in a single day. lie must have had 
a fleet horse, you will say ; over such roads, through such for- 
ests, sixty miles was a long day's journey for any horseman. 
!No ! Major Beach went, not on horseback, hxit on foot, from 
Castleton through Eutland, Pittsford, Brandon, Middlebury, 
Whiting, to Hand's Cove, in Shoreham, in tioenty-four hourSy 
summoning his men by the way.^"' Such a fact requires no com- 
ment. If such was their energy, even the raising of this army 
was a possibility. 

Look at the picture ! Allen determines to undertake the 
enterprise. Instantly his messengers, stout of heart, and fleet 
of foot, bound away in all directions : over the mountains, 
through the deep forests and tangled brushwood, across rivers, 
up the hiUs and down into the valleys, to every cabin which is 
the home of a Green Mountain Boy ! Their stay is short ; their 
words are few. " Allen summons ; the meet is Shoreham ; 
the business, Ti. ; the time, now ; " and he is off to the next 
settler, perhaps miles away. Brief, also, is the preparation. 



<^ App. No. 10. 



Allen knows they will not fail him ; they know what Allen 
expects. Home, business, family, nor excuse, delays the farmer- 
soldier. The rifle, the bullet-pouch and powder-horn are 
always ready. The wife fills up the knapsack with provisions 
for the march; and, be it midnight or high noon, he is away, 
before the short prayer can be uttered for his safe return. See 
them, as they come, striding over the hills, winding along the 
mountain paths, down into the valley, to the one highway that 
leads northward ! They have no uniforms ; no strains of mu- 
sic animate their march. Not in ranks or by platoons, but by 
twos or threes or singly, with swift and steady step, they move 
towards the place of muster. Below every silent lip, beneath 
every buckskin jacket, is a great, patriotic heart. On the face 
of this revolving globe, there are no truer soldiers. Behold 
them, O ye warriors on paper, who would rob them and their 
leader of laurels bravely won ! They are going to write his- 
tory with their bayonets ; to launch a new power among the 
nations into being ! The Spirit of Liberty is abroad. On the 
mountain summit she is bathing her jubilant feet in the rising 
sunlight of a new-born nation's glory. She has sounded forth 
her summons to battle ! These are her mountain children ; 
this their answer to her bugle call ! 

We now return to Castleton. It is the evening of the 8th 
of May. The party has been drafted out and sent after Major 
Skene. Ethan Allen has gone to Shoreham. All the plans 
are settled ; Easton is second, and Warner third in command. 
The weary soldiers are preparing for their needed rest. Now, 
there is the bustle of an arrival, and Benedict Arnold appears 
upon the scene. He is a colonel five days old — a stranger to 
every one of the party. His appearance is imposing. His 
new and unsoiled uniform gleams with golden splendor beneath 
his waving plume and sparkling epaulets. He is not alone. 



.,,5-V .^1 






!N"o ! He is " attended " by a servant — of the genus, valet de 
chamhre — the only one in that camp, the first recorded appear- 
ance of the species in Yermont. To the soldiers of Ethan 
Allen he makes the cool proposal to take the command away 
from their old leader, and to elect himself chief of the expe- 
dition ! 

Genius of the grotesque ! Did the pencil of caricature ever 
draw a more ludicrous picture ? Does any man with a gleam 
of common sense, doubt how such men received such a propo- 
sition from Benedict Arnold ? 

In relation to this and subsequent events, the testimony is 
abundant. In addition to his journal, Captain Mott, the day 
after the capture, wrote a detailed account of .the expedition to 
the Congress of Massachusetts. This document shows that 
when Arnold arrived, Allen had left Castleton, and did not see 
him until he went forward and overtook him the next morning. 
Mott himself was vdih. the Skenesborough party, a mile and a 
half from the others, and was sent for when Arnold claimed 
the command. " We told him," writes Mott," that we could 
not surrender the command to him, as our people were raised 
on condition that they should be commanded by their own 
officer s^ " We. were extremely rejoiced to see that you agreed 
with us as to the expediency and importance of taking posses- 
sion of those garrisons ; but were shockingly surprised when 
Colonel Arnold presumed to contend for the command of those 
forces that we had raised." " But Mr. Arnold, after we had 
generously told him our whole plan, strenuously contended and 
insisted upon his right to command them and all their offi- 
cers."^^^ 

Arnold's impudent pretensions, as might naturally be sup- 
posed, raised a storm of indignation among the soldiers. They 
"bred such a mutiny," continues Mott, that they "nearly 

P'J See Mott's Journal, supra. 



01 



40 

frnstrated our whole design, as our men were for clubbing tlieir 
firelocks and inarching home ;" but they were prevented by 
tlieir officers. Mott, evidently, did not very well understand 
Allen's character, for when Arnold went forward to overtake 
him, his whole party followed, leaving all the provisions, " for 
fear he should prevail on Colonel Allen to resign the com- 
mand ;" and as he had to go back after the supplies, he did 
not again overtake them until the first party had crossed the 
lake. Arnold succeded no better with Allen than he had with 
his sohiiers. That Allen did not put him under guard, or 
somewhere else, to suppress his pertinacious impudence, is proof 
that he deemed his claims too idle to merit any serious atten- 
tion. It was necessary, however, for him to reason with his 
men. Mott states, that " Allen and Easton told them that he 
(Arnold) should not have the command of them ; and if he 
had, their pay should be the same." Their answer showed that 
compensation had but little influence upon their view of the 
subject ; for, says Mott, " they would damn their pay, and say 
they would not be commanded by any others but those the}^ 
engaged with." Up to the arrival at Shoreham, it seems rea- 
sonably certain that Arnold was not imtch in command of the 
expedition, and it is equally clear that it had not yet been con- 
verted into that double-headed military monstrosity — a force 
with two commanders. 

It has been supposed by many that the expedition followed 
the nearest route through Benson, to a point opposite the fort 
in Orwell. Tliis supposition is incorrect. Leaving Castleton, 
it moved by the way of Sudbury, where it struck the old 
Crown Point road, and following that through Whiting, 
reached the lake shore at Hand's Cove in Shoreliam, about 
two miles north of the fort on the other side. The distance by 
this route was about twenty-five miles, seven or eight farther 
than by the other. There were two reasons for taking it : it 






;^*i 



90 .'OJ ii- 



■\'^ 



41 

was farther from the lake, and there was less hazard of dis- 

\ covery, and it brought them to the shore in a wooded ravine, 

j 'i where they were perfectly sheltered from observation/"'' 

' I The party arrived at Hand's Cove after nightfall on the ninth 

I of May, strengthened by the addition of one hundred recruits. 

j It has been stated that Arnold, failing to secure the command, 

^1 had joined it as a volunteer. Of this I have found no o^-idence 

; I whatever. From his character, and what took place the next 

morning, it is more probable that he followed it, growling and 

disappointed. 

^ Upon reaching the lake, they found no means of crossing. 

The party sent to Skenesborough, to bring the bouts found 

there down the lake, had not arrived ; there was no news from 

Captain Douglass, who had gone " to obtain some of the boats 

at Crown Point by stratagem." Allen coidd not send up the 

lake after boats without risking challenge from the fort. The 

chances of crossing that night seemed doubtful ; the morning 

V would bring discovery. 

1 But Douglass had not failed, nor did Allen despdr. There 

i was a scow at Bridport, belonging to Mr. Smith, and Douglass 

went for it. On his way, he called at the house of Mr. Stone, 
in Bridport, to secure the assistance of one Chapman. The 
! inmates were all at rest for the night ; but two young Yer- 

j monters, James Wilcox and Joseph Tyler, aroused from their 

I sleep in a chamber, overheard the conversation between Doug- 

lass and Chapman, and instantly formed the project of decoy- 
ing on shore Major Skene's large row boat, which lay off 
Willow Point, on Smith's farm in the north-west corner of 
Bridport, nearly opposite Crown Point, in charge of a colored 
master, whose love for liquid comforts was universally under- 
stood. They dressed, seized their guns and a jug of " New 
England," hurried off, picking up four armed companions on 

<'^^> Goodhue's Hist. Shoreham, p. 13. 



I'i. J <) - •/' 



: r . 
•..7 -. 



■li 



42 

their way to the shore. Hailing the boat, thev offered to help * 

row it to Shorehara. The persuasion of the jug was too much 
for the colored captain, and the story that they were on their I 

way to join a hunting party waiting at Shoreham, allayed ail ' 

his suspicions. The boat came over, started at once, and poor '• 

Jack and his two companions did not discover what kind of i 

hunting was on foot, until they found themselves prisoners of 
war.^^ 

This boat, and Douglass, with the scow, reached Hand's 
Cove about the same time, in the latter part of the night; 
other small boats had also been collected. Although every man 
was eager to be first across, the boats would not carry half the 
party. Allen and eighty-two men embarked; one hundred and 
eighty-seven, under "Warner, were left behind. The heavily 
laden boats had to be rowed to the landing selected, a little 
north of another AVillow Point, on the !N"ew York shore — a 
distance of nearly two miles. Here, just as the dawn began to 
light up the eastern horizon, they landed in silence, formed in 
three parallel lines, and sent back the boats for their com- 
panions. 

Allen now takes up the story : " The day began to dawn, 
and I found myself under a necessity to attack the fort before 
the rear could cross the lake ; and, as it was viewed hazardous, 
I harangued the officers and soldiers in the manner following : 
* Friends and fellow soldiers ! You have, for a number of years 
past, been a scourge and terror to arbitrary power. Your valo 
has been famed abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the 
advice and orders to me (from the General Assembly of Con- 
necticut) to surprise and take the garrison now before us. I 
now propose to advance before you, and, in person, conduct 
you through the wicket gate ; for we must, this morning, either 
quit our pretensions to valor, or possess ourselves of this fortress 

<»)App.,No. 11. 



in 



43 

in a few minutes ; and, inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt 

(which none but the bravest men dare undertake), I do not urge 

( it on any, contrary to his "will. You that will undertake, 

voluntarily, poise your firelocks.' "^^°^ 
I Every man poises his musket. They face to the right 

j young Beeman, who lives just opposite, who has passed much 
time at the Fort, who knows all its passages, buildings and 
quarters, is their guide. Allen heads the center file. " For- 
ward !" is the word of command. Directed by Eeeman, they 
follow Allen through a covered way to the gate. Here, a 
sentinel, confused by their approach, forgets to give the alarm, 
but aims his musket at Allen, and pulls the trigger. It misses 
fire. Allen rushes at him ; he gives a shout, and retreats into 
the fort, under the shelter of a bomb-proof. The men press on 
inside the walls to the parade, where, facing tlie barracks, they 
form like regulars, and give three huzzas, which arouse the 
sleeping garrison. A guard thrusts at an officer of the invad- 
ing force with his bayonet, and slightly wounds him. Allen 
strikes up the weapon, and deals a blow at the assailant's head. 
His life is saved by a comb, which turns the force of the blow ; 
he drops his gun and asks for quarter. " Where is the officer 
in command ! " thunders the leader. He is shown to a room on 
the second floor of the officers' quarters ; he summons Captain 
Delaplace to come forth, or he will sacrifice the garrison. 
Aroused from his sleep, half naked and half stupified, clotlies 
in hand, he appears, and, in reply to Allen's demand for instant 
surrender, asks, " By what authority ? " " In the name of the 
Great Jehovah, and the Continental Congress ! " is the 
answer. He hesitates. Of Congress, he knows but httle. 
The demand is repeated. He submits, and orders his men to 
parade without arms, for he has given up the garrison. Mean- 
time, the impatient Yermonters have beaten down the doors, 

<30) Allen's Narrative, p. 2. 



44 

and captured half tlie enemy. Officers and men parade on the 
square ; the cry of joyous triumph sahites the glad sun as it 
bursts over the eastern liills. Defiance and Independence roll 
back the echoing sliouts of the sons of liberty. The first 
victory for freedom has been won ; the first British fort has 
been captured, and Ticonderoga has surrendered to the hero of 
the Green Mountains ! 

The men left upon the eastern shore of the lake, less fortun- 
ate, but not less brave, led by the gallant Warner, now arrive 
to join in the triumph of their comrades; Doubtless, as Allen 
says, there was some " tossing of the flowing bowl," and the 
war whoop with which, according to one account, the assail- 
ants swarmed througli the wicket and over the walls, was not 
wholly silenced by the surrender. Warner insists on his right 
to go at once and attack Crown Point. He sets ofi", and that 
fortress falls the next day.'^'^ The " Gate of the Country" is 
held by the sons of liberty. They have made that capture 
which, under the circumstances, was of greater value to the 
popular cause than any other that could have been made in all 
the colonies. s, ' K'>,i:'v;^ ixm'f ■. > 

Since my purpose is the examination of disputed questions, 
rather than the presentation of familiar history, I proceed to 
the next piece of evidence which bears upon the point in con- 
troversy. Though one day later than the report of the " War 
Committee," it should be introduced here. It is AUen's letter 
to the Albany Conmiittee, of May 11th, ^^"^ in which occurs the 
expression : " I took the Fortress of Ticonderoga ; Colonel 
Easton and his valiant soldiers greatly distinguished themselves. 
* * * Colonel Arnold entered the fortress with 7ne, side 
hy side,"*^ 

We left Arnold on the road to Shoreham, with his claim to 

[3»i App., No. 12. W App., No. 13. 






45 

command repudiated by the officers and angry soldiers. His 
conduct could not have commended him to the favor of Allen, 
and yet, as the record has stood hitherto, Allen seems to liave 
gone quite out of his way to assign him a prominent place in 
the attack, though careful, at the same time, to assert his own 
exclusive authority. Upon this expression in Allen's letter, the 
advocates of Arnold have, in great part, founded his claims. 

It is obvious that Allen's expression has some explanation — 
that wo have not had the whole story. So singular has this 
expression seemed, that some have thought the reference to 
Arnold an interpolation. 

It is well, therefore, tliat the explanation has been furnished. 
Truth is always consistent with itseK and the explanation not 
only proves the exclusive character of Allen's command, but it 
presents the two men in their true characters. Allen, rough 
and unpohshed, but with no jealousy in liis lieart towards the 
man who sought to deprive him of the only position he- seems 
to have coveted ; Arnold, conceited and imperious, so selfish, 
that he was willing to imperil success for his own advancement. 
The evidence now ofl'ered, tlirows light just where the story 
requires it. It is to be found in a modest town liistory — an 
example of a class of boc»ks now little prized, but which, in 
future times, will be preserved among the treasures of the his- 
torical collector. 

The Rev. Josiah F. Goodhue was the compiler of a " Histor}"- 
of the Town of Shoreham." He was long and well known in 
Western Vermont. For nearly a fourtli of a century, lie was 
the settled minister of that town, where his faithful service will 
long be held in grateful remembrance, lumbers who liear me, 
will testify to his many qualifications as a historian, and con- 
firm my own opinions, based upon an acquaintance of thirty 
years. His judgment was cool and clear. Cautious, almost to 
incredulity, he was incapable of reaching a conclusion until it 



46 

was fully supported by reliable testimony. A fact recorded by 
him,, on the evidence of others, is a guaranty that the evidence 
existed, and that, in the opinion of a competent judge, it was 
reliable. 

The account given by Mr. Goodhue of the expedition, pre- 
vious to the crossing of the first detachment, does not differ 
from that of other authors. After stating that when the first 
party landed, " it began to be light," he continues : 

" Allen therefore determined not to await the arrival of the 
rest of the men from the other side, but to push on immedi- 
ately to the attack. When Allen gave the word of command 
to march forward, Arnold, contrary to the arrangement made 
at Castleton, interposed, and claimed his right to take command 
and lead the men, and swore that he would go into the fort 
first. Allen swore he should not, but that he himself would 
first enter. The dispute running high, Allen, turning to Amos 
Callender, of Shoreham, said : ' What shall I do with the d — d 
rascal ? shall I put him under guard ? ' Callender, regretting 
such an occurrence at such a critical time, and feeling the 
importance of setting forward immediately, and of acting in 
perfect harmony, advised them to settle the difiiculty by agree- 
ing to enter the fort together. They both assented, and set 
forward under the guidance of a young man named Beeman, 
etc." His account of tlie entry and capture is the same as that 
given by Allen in his " Narrative." 

Mr. Goodhue's authority for this relation is presented in these 
words : " These statements I had from Major Xoah Callender, 
son of Amos Callender, who was with his father at the time." 
He gives the language of Allen's demand for the surrender, 
" By the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress." Allen 
states it, '' In the name of, etc," 

Referring to the time when his history was written, Mr. 
Goodhue speaks of Major Callender in these terms : *' It was a 



47 

happy circumstance that Major I^oah Callender had not then 
passed away, whose memory, though he was then more than 
eighty years old, remained unimpaired. The author held 
frequent conversations with him, and noted down whatever he 
deemed important for the prosecution of his work, and it is 
with pleasure he is able to state that, on no important point, has 
he found Major Callender 's statements to be erroneous, after 
having subjected them to the severest tests." This opinion of 
his character is supported by all his neighbors, among whom 
his long, industrious hfe was passed. 

All the relations hitherto cited, bearing upon the claims of 
Arnold, hav^e been silent as to everything which transpired be- 
tween the departure from Castleton and the entry of tlie fort. 
The only occasion upon which Allen refers to him, is when 
writing to the Albany Committee. Mott and his associates, to 
whose authority all but Arnold promptly submitted, had 
definitely given Allen the command, by vote, before he left 
Castleton. The statement of Major Callender fills the hiatus 
in the evidence between Castleton and the entry of the fort, 
and shows that Arnold was permitted to enter the fort with 
Allen, to settle a dispute which the former had created, after 
the first party had landed, which threatened the success of the 
expedition. It also proves that Arnold's claim to command 
was rejected on the very eve of the entry. Allen's expression 
in his letter is explained in a manner which excludes the con- 
clusion that he yielded the command to him in the slightest 
degree, and thus, the only evidence in Arnold's favor, except 
his own assertions, disappears from the historical record. -^^ 

On the same day, with his letter to Albany, Allen wrote an 
account of the capture of the fort to the Congress of Massa- 
chusetts. In the latter, he asserts that he captured the furt 
with a force of Green Mountain Boys, aided by soldiers from 

[381 Goodhue's History of Shoreham, 12 to 15. 



•:i;j 



Itu 



48 

Massachusetts. He speaks in terms of warm commendation of 
Colonel Easton and Mr. Brown, but does not mention Arnold, 
— a singular omission, if Arnold participated in the command, 
when he was writing an official report to the authority from 
which the latter claimed to hold his commission. ^^^ 

After the surrender, the proofs accumulate of Arnold's 
envy and disappointment. He could not be contented to yield 
to Allen the credit of the capture. " He again," says the 
journal of Captain Mott, ^' challenged the command, and in- 
sisted that ho had a right to have it, on which our soldiers 
again paraded, and declared they would go right home, for 
they would not be commanded by Arnold. I told them 
they should not, and at length pacified them; and then reasoned 
with Arnold, and told him as he had not raised any men, he 
could not expect to have the command of ours. He still in- 
sisted, etc." In liis letter, as chairman of the Committee of 
War, May 11th, Mott adds: "After the surrender, Arnold 
again assumed the command of the garrison, although he had 
not one man there, and demanded it of Colonel Allen, on 
wliich we gave Colonel Allen his orders, in writing, as followeth, 
viz.: 

" To Colonel Ethan Allin : 

Sir — Whereas, aj?reeable to the power and authority to us given by the 
Colony of Connecticut, we have appointed you to take command of a 
party of men, and reduce and take possession of the garrison of Ticon- 
deroga and the dependencies ; and, as you are now in possession of the 
same, you are hereby directed to keep the possession of said garrison for 
the use of the American Colonies, till you have further orders from the 
Colony of Connecticut, or from the Continental Congress. 

Signed, per order of the Committee, 

TicoNDEHOGA, May 10, 1775. EDWARD 3I0TT, Chairman:' 

In tlie same letter the Committee commend Colonel Easton 
as well qualified for a colonel's command in the field. They 

W App., No. 14. ^ 



49 

also "recommend John Brown, of Pittsfield, as an able conn 
sellor, full -of spirit and resolution," and "wish they may both 
be emploj^ed in the serWce of their country, equal to their 
merit." 

The annoyance caused by Arnold's quarrelsome pertinacity 
is apparent from a letter, wTitten on the day of the capture, to 
the Congress of Massachusetts, signed by James Easton, Epap. 
Bull, Edward Mott and Noah Phelps, as "Committee of War 
for the expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point." ^^^ 
It sets forth that, " previous to Arnold's arrival, the Committee 
had raised the force, marched it witliin a few miles of the fort," 
and, " this morning, at daybreak, took possession of said fort, 
and have given the command thereof into the hands of Colonel 
Ethan Allen. And said Arnold refuses to give up his com- 
mand, which causes mu(;h difficulty ; said Arnold not having 
enlisted one man, neither do wc know that he has^ or could do 
it. And as said Committee have raised the men, and are still 
raising supplies for the purpose of repairing said forts, taking 
the armed sloop, and defending this country and said forts, we 
think that said Arnold's further procedure in this matter highly 
inexpedient, both in regard to expense and defense." As these 
gentlemen were not acting under Massachusetts, nor bound to 
report to her Congress, this letter seems to have been written 
to induce Arnold's recall. 

Colonel Allen's letter to Governor Trumbull, of May 15th, 
is next in order.'^^ This letter does not mention Arnold's name, 
and it was carried by the detachment sent to Connecticut with 
the prisoners. " I make you a present," writes Allen, '' o( n 
major, a captain and two lieutenants, in the regular estJibli^h- 
ment of George the Third. I hope they may serve us rAUr^Jin^ 
for some of our friends at Boston." He announces lii= \niq*<j^ 
to capture the royal sloop cruising on the lake ; states timt lh*s 

P^l Mott'9 Journal and Letter, supra, t«i 1, Conn. H. S. Cui: » -pi ■"?' 

4 



60 

enterprise has been approved of by the Green Mountain Boys, 
and his confidence in its success, and subscribes liimself, " At 
present. Commander of Ticonderoga." 

On the 16th of May, a week after the capture. Captain 
Phelps addressed a letter from Skenesborough to the General 
Assembly of Connecticut, in which he recounts the progress of 
the expedition; the rendezvous at Castleton; the reconnois- 
Bance of the fort, and says : " On the 1 0th day of May instant, 
we took Fort Ticonderoga, and also Major Skene, and have 
sent them, with proper guards, to Hartford. There is, at the 
fort, about two hundred men, — in a fort of broken walls and 
gates, and but few cannon in order, and very much out of re- 
pair; and in a great quarrel with Colonel Arnold^ icho 
^hall command the fort^ even that some of the soldiers 
threaten the life of Colonel Arnold." * * "I also saw a 
young gentleman from Albany, that says they disapproved of 
our proceeding in taking the fort, in that we did not acquaint 
them of it before it was done. Perhaps it would be well if 
some gentleman should wait on the Congress at IN^ew York, so 
as to keep peace with them." ^"^ 

It is in the highest degree improbable, that the cotemporary 
accounts should be erroneous in respect to the question of com- 
mand. On the ITth of May, the " Spy," published at Worces- 
ter, Mass., contained an account of the expedition, which states 
that the men were raised by Colonels Allen and Easton, 
" agreeable to a plan formed in Connecticut." It relates the 
sending of one party of about thirty men to take Major Skene 
into custody ; that the remainder crossed the lake in the night, 
landed about half a mile from said fortress, and at break of 
day, May 10th, made the assault w^ith great intrepidity ; our 
men darting hke lightning upon the guards, gave them just 
time to snap two guns, before they took them prisoners. This 

13^ App., No. 15. 



:i:i.t'.jN ) 






' :.. !>> yAii 



. V ^ • > v^, , • I : t ' 



->J-. 



!> .'<SM-'X. ' 



U<.-' .... ;,i 



^'f 






51 

was immediately followed by a reduction of the fort and its 
dependencies." In this account, the value of the captured 
property is given at not less than three hundred thousand 
pounds, or a million and a half of dollars. In this particular 
statement, there is no reference to Arnold. ^^'^ 

The captm*ed officers were sent to Connecticut in charge of 
Messrs. Hickok, Halsey and IN^ichols, who reached Hartford on 
the 16th of May, with Allen's letter to Governor Trumbull, of 
the 12th, before cited. The remaining prisoners reached Hart- 
ford on Saturday, two days later, in cliarge of Epaphras Bull, 
a member of the committee of which Mott was chairman. 
The Hartford " Courant," published on the next Monday, con- 
tains an " Authentic account of the Fortress of Ticonderoga 
and Crown Point," in which it is stated that '-^Colonel Allen, 
commanding the soldiery, on Wednesday morning they sur- 
prised and took possession of the fortress." Governor Hall 
expresses what must be the conclusion of every impartial mind 
when he says : " This account, brought direct from Ticonderoga 
by the persons having charge of the prisoners, and who be- 
longed to the party sent from Hartford with the expedition, is 
entitled to the charactei- and credit of an official report.'"' 

The man who should know best who his captor was, was the 
commander of Ticonderoga. He knew fo whom he surrendered 
the fort, and who made the demand for its surrender. The 
singular arrangement of a divided command would have 
attracted the notice of a military officer. The evidence of 
Captain Delaplace, therefore, may well be regarded as conclu- 
sive. On the 24th of May, within two weeks of the event, he 
drew up a memorial for the release of himself and his captured 
companions. In this memorial, presented to the General 
Assembly of Connecticut on the day of its date, he says : 
" That on the morning of the 10th of May, the garrison of the 

t"i App., Ho. 16. l»3] Hall's Address, p. 31. 



52 

Fortress of Ticonderoga, in the Province. of "New York, was 
surprised by a party of armed men, under the command of 
one Etha7i Allen^ consisting of about one hundred and fifty, 
who had taken such measures as eifectually to surprise the 
same ; that very little resistance could be made, and to whom 
your memorialists were obliged to surrender as prisoners ; and, 
overpowered by a superior force, w^ere disarmed, and hy said 
Allen ordered immediately to be sent to Hartford." ^^°^ 

On the 18th of May, the Kew York journals published what 
was termed "An authentic account of the taking" of these 
forts. They describe the movement from Connecticut, the 
journey of Mott, Brown and Easton, and say: "The men were 
raised, and proceeded, as directed by said Mott and Phelps, — 
Colonel Ethan Allen commanding the soldiery P This 
account does not refer to Arnold. At that time it was not 
supposed that Arnold would attempt to assert a claim to the 
actual command, whatever might have been his opinion of his 
right to it, as a question of conflicting autliority.^*'^ 

Upon what evidence, then, is the claim founded, that Arnold 
had any part in the origin of the expedition against Ticonder- 
oga ; or that he participated in the capture, otherwise than as 
an obstruction which imperilled its success ? I think the answer 
must be, that it rests on the unsupported testimony of a single 
witness, unworthy of credit, habitually untruthful — as unre- 
liable as was ever cited by a writer of history. That witness 
is Arnold himself. Your attention is invited to an examination 
of his evidence. 

It will be remembered that Colonel Parsons met Arnold, 
and conversed with liim about Ticonderoga, on tlie 26th of 
April. AVe do not know what passed in that interview, but, in 
the then impending excitement, it is improbable that its capture, 

<««>App.l7. <«> See App. 18. 



63 

and its value to the colonies, should not have formed the sub- 
ject of conversation. On the 30th, Arnold addressed a note 
to the Massacliusetts Committee, describing the condition of 
the fort, but silent on the subject of its capture. On the 
second of May, tlie Committee appointed a sub-committee to 
confer with Arnold relative to a proposal made by him, for an 
attempt upon Ticonderoga ; authorized him to appoint two 
field officers, captains, etc., and to dismiss them when he 
thought proper, and ordered the Committee of Supplies to 
furnish him with ten horses, to be employed on a special service. 
On the third, they commissioned him " Colonel and Com- 
mander-in-Chief over a body of men, not exceeding four hun- 
dred, to proceed with all expedition to the western parts of this 
and the neighboring colonies, where you are directed to enlist 
those men^ and^ with them, forthwith to march to the fort at 
Ticonderoga, and use your best endeavors to reduce the same," 
etc.<''^ 

It is obvious from this action of the Committee, that if 
Arnold suspected rhat an expedition was already on foot for 
the capture of this fort, he did not communicate his suspicions 
to the Committee. Their action looks to the raising of a force 
in western Massachusetts, the appointment of its olMccr>, and 
the furnishing of its supphes. Nothing was further from the 
Committee's intention, than to give him the command of a 
force already raised, or to be raised, in another State, over 
which Massachusetts had no jurisdiction. 

It has been commonly supposed that Arnold undertook, in 
good faith, to execute the instructions of the Committee ; that 
he went to Berkshire, the western county of Massachusetts, 
and commenced his enlistments ; but finding that an expedition 
had already started, left others to complete the work, and, him- 
self, hurried on until he overtook the party at Castleton. 

<«) Forces' Acchives, 4th S., V. II.. p. 750, 751. 



n.I:;4 o 



64 

This, I think, is an incorrect conclusion. There is no evi- 
dence that he ever raised^ or undertook to raise a man I 
What he did do will be hereafter shown. 

The distance from Cambrido;e to Bupert, Vermont, which 
he reached on the 8th of May, by the most direct route, was 
about one hundred and seventy-five miles. If he left Cam- 
bridge the day after his commisson bears date, his movements 
must have been undelayed, if he reached Rupert by the 8th. 
That he could have gone by the way of Pittsfieid, stopping 
long enough to make arrangements for raising men, is highly 
improbable, for that would have added seventy-five miles to the 
length of his journey. K he went to western Massachusetts, 
he would certainly have gone to Pittsfieid, for that w^as the 
principal town, and the headquarters of Colonel Easton's 
regiment. That he did not go there, is shown, I think, by the 
letter of the Rev. Thomas Allen to General Pomeroy, who, 
writing from Pittsfieid on the 9th, the day after Arnold reached 
Castleton, says: " Since I wrote the last paragraph, an express 
has arrived from B. Arnold, Commander of the forces against 
Ticonderoga, for recruits." ^"^ Mr. Allen was one of the most 
active of the friends of liberty in Pittsfieid. It is impossible 
that Arnold should have been in his town, enlisting men, three 
days before, without his knowledge. 

Arnold's letter from Rupert, Yt., of May 8th, is directed to 
the gentlemen in the southern towns, and urges them to exert 
themselves, and to send forward as many men as they can possi- 
bly spare " to join the army here" It contains directions about 
their provisions, ammunition and blankets ; states their wages, 
which he engages " to see paid ; " and describes the number of 
men at the fort, and states what he desires to accomplish. ^"^ 
It is precisely such a letter as he would have written if he had 
not been to Pittsfieid before, and states the facts which he 

<*«) App., No. 19. <-<*) App., No. 20. 



65 

would have certainly communicated in person, if he had had 
the opportunity. The expression, " Commander of the forces," 
is the same totidem verbis with that used by Mr. Allen in his 
letter from Pittsfield, and renders it highly probable that this 
letter was brought by the express to which the Eev. Thomas 
Allen refers, as having arrived on the 9th from " B. Arnold, 
Commander of the forces," etc. 

In view of these facts, in connection with Arnold's perti- 
nacious repetition of his claim to the command, before and 
after the capture, his conduct may be more reasonally accounted 
for in another way. He suspected, perhaps knew, that Parsons 
would go to Hartford and get np the expedition. If Parsons 
intended to do what he did a few hours later, his purpose was 
formed before, or during, his interview with Arnold, and, as 
the latter was on his way to Cambridge, there was no reason 
why Parsons should conceal his purpose. Arnold also knew 
that secrecy would induce Parsons not to make his object 
known to the Assembly of Connecticut; that he would, there 
fore, have no commission from that body, and, upon the Grants 
there was no recognized authority which could commission any 
body. Arnold's plan to secure command of the expedition 
and, in the event of success, the honor of the capture, only re 
quired a commission, as color of authority. Arrived at Cam 
bridge, he applied to the Committee of Safety, represented the 
value of the fort, and the ease with which it could be taken 
and the Committee, not aware that an expedition was on foot 
having use at home for the forces already raised, readily com 
missioned him, on condition that he should raise his own men 
Such a commission, Arnold thought, would serve his purpose 
and, having obtained it, he pushed straight for the fort by the 
shortest and quickest route, sending an express to western 
Massachusetts, to enhst men. He knew that no officer in the 
party had any regular commission ; if he could overtake it be- 



56 

fore the capture, he expected a ready submission. Others 
would have the labor, he the honor of the enterprise. This 
view explains his angry disappointment at tlie stern refusal 
which met his assertion of command, and his repeated claim 
that he alone had any h'gal authority. It is also contirmed by 
the fact, that not a man raised under Arnold's authority reached 
the fort until the 18tli, as I shall show hereafter. If he began 
to raise recruits as early as t]ie 6th or 7th of May, when so 
much depended upon expedition, some of them could ]iave 
reached the fort in less than a week, with no obstructions in 
their way, if Ethan Allen could raise his army, marcli it about 
the same distance, gather up the scattered boats, cross the lake 
and capture Ticonderoga in less than five days. 

The first document upon which Arnold's claim of actual 
command rests, is his letter to the Massachusetts Committee, 
dated May 11th, the day after the fort was taken.^^'^ He refers 
in this letter to one written the day before, in which he stated 
that, on his arrival in the vicinity, lie found and joined a party, 
led by Allen, bound on the savme errand with himself; that he | 

decided not to wait for the arrival of the troops he " had I 

engaged on the road ! " That '' we had taken the fort, etc.," | 

of which he intended to keep possession until further advices. I 

He asserts that '' on and before our taking possession here, I 
had agreed with Colonel Allen to issue further orders jointly, 
until I could raise a sufiicient number of men to relieve his 
people, since which. Colonel Allen, -finding he had the ascend- 
ancy over his jpeojple^ positively insisted I should have no com- I 
mand." " The power is now taken out of my hands, and I am f. 
not consulted ; neither have I any voice in any matters." | 

This letter was written the day his express for men arrived I 

at Pittsfield. He had not, at that time, a man " engaged." | 

The Mott Committee were not aware that he had " raised one I 



l*«J App., No. 21. 



57 

man ; " and jet he writes as if his army was on tlie march, niifi 
its aJTJval expected in a short time. What liad lie to do wirh 
"deciding" upon the time when the attack slionkl be madf f 
He speaks of those who were to make it as Allen's ** pcopl*-/' 
and yet he asserts an agreement made with Allen, " on and 
before taking possession," '' to issue further orders johitlv.'* 
Were there two agreements ? Did tliey refer to orders aft'^r 
the fort was in possession of the Yermonters, or previous to 
the capture ? It has been shown that Allen was not present 
when Arnold claimed the command, at Castleton ; that tlie men 
would have nothing to do with him ; that, when he pressed \\u 
claim, they were excited, almost to mutiny; that when he 
followed after Allen, Mott and his Committee pursued IjIhi, 
fearing that Allen might yield; that Allen refused to yield, 
and the men said they would not submit if lie did ! Wiit-rc, 
then, was this agreement made ? Arnold's answer is, " on and 
before the capture." Allen receded from it, "finding he h;id 
the ascendancy over his men." When was Allen in dnubt 
about his relations to his men, and their wish that he ahouid 
command them? Arnold's account will not bear anal. ^i■*. 
There is an incoherence of tim^e, place and circumstanct » 
the statement of this agreement, which proves its own ma 
facture by a ftdse witness. It is as absurd, considered in conntc- 
tion with the admitted facts, as the military novelty <'t' un 
attacking lorce with two commanders, equal in rank Jtnd 
authority. 

The same letter describes the soldiers, after the vMjtwTr-, a* 
being in a state of anarchy — plundering private pr']«r'v, 
threatening desertion, and other enormities — and ^tat« ^ t!.*t 
one hundred men would easily retake the place. Hen-. :»j:4 n, 
Arnold is contradicted by the facts. Had they l>een pin; : '« ^ 
would Delaplace and his men have kept silence i In •*' ' • 
complaints, and they made many, there i& nu w^'V'X '■: ■ 



ill 



68 

plaint against Allen and his men. With a single exception 
Arnold is the only witness on tl is point, and the exception only 
proves that Arnold impressed one man, twenty days after the 
capture, with the idea that, but for Arnold, " people would 
have been plundered of their private property." There was 
no private property, except such as may have belonged to the 
inmates of the fort. 

One statement in this letter is so palpably untrue, that it is 
difficult to conceive why even Arnold should have made it. 
He avers that the party " I advised were gone to Crown Point, 
are returned," and that expedition " is entirely laid aside." 
At the moment that letter was written. Crown Point was 
actually in Warner^ s possession.^*^^ Arnold probably knew 
the fact of its capture. He must have known that Warner and 
his party had gone to take it, and he knew he was penning a 
falsehood when he wrote that the expedition was laid aside. 
He admits that Allen is a proper man to head " his own wild 
people," but insists that he is ignorant of military science. 
His dissatisfaction is universal. Although the power was taken 
out of his hands^ and he had " no voice in any raatters^"^ he 
" is determined to insist on his rights, and remain here against 
all opposition," as he ''is the only person who has been legally 
authorized to take possession- of this place." This expression 
confirms the committee's account, that he persisted in his claim 
to the command after he was repudiated by the entire party. 
Were there no other evidence than the statements of this 
angry letter, all fair men would pronounce Arnold's claim to 
participate in tlie command, as untrue as, in view of the facts, 
it was improbable. 

On the 14th of May, Arnold again wrote the same Com- 
mittee.^*^^ This letter recounts the insults he had suffered in 
the public service ; declares that he has about one hundred 

<«) App. No. 22. W See App. Xo. 23. 



! I 

i 



59 

men, and is expecting more; that the dispute between himself 
and Allen is subsiding ; but contains no other reference to tlie 
subject of command. The material facts of this letter are all 
untrue. Arnold says : " I ordered a party to Skeneshorongh^ 
to take Major Skene, who have made him- jprisoner, and 
seized a small schooner, which has just arrived Iterey 
Skene was taken on the 9th of May, the day before the fort 
was captured. The capturing party, under Herrick, had been 
sent from Castleton before Arnold reached there. Two days 
before the date of this letter, Allen had sent Skene and Dela- 
place to Hartford, as prisoners of war. And yet Arnold writes, 
" /ordered the party," etc. And this statement convicts him 
of another Msehood. His express had reached Pittsfield on 
the 9th. Eighteen men each, were drafted from some of the com- 
panies of Colonel Easton's regiment, 2iX\A fifty men thus raised, 
under Captains Brown and Oswald, arrived at Skenesboroiigh 
on the 11th. They left in the schooner which Herrick had 
captured, and reached Ticonderoga on the 14th. They were 
the first men who came to xlrnold, and they were only fifty in 
number, as Arnold himself states in his next letter of May 
19th. He thus doubles their number, and reports to his 
superiors that he had originated the plan of capturing Skenes- 
borough, and despatched the party, which had just returned, 
after successfully executing his plan. That the vessel arrived, 
is the only element of truth in the statement. The men who 
came on her had not been enlisted when Skenesborough was 
captured. 

Arnold's next letter is dated at Crown Point, on the 19th of 
May. It expresses his fears " that some persons might attempt 
to injure him in the esteem of Congress," and his desire to be 
" superseded." It has no otlier reference to riie main question. 
He announces the arrival of Brown and Oswald with fifty 
men, and repeats the false statement that they had taken pos- 






n; 



60 

session of the schooner, at Skenesboro'. He also announces 
the capture of tlie roj'al sloop, at St. Johns, and Allen's depar- 
ture for Canada.^^^' 

The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts gave little counten- 
ance to Arnold's assumptions. On the 10th of May, the Com- 
mittee of Correspondence for Connecticut liad written to the 
Massachusetts Congress, that the expedition had been set on 
foot by some private gentlemen of the former colony, who had 
made the capture before the Massachusetts party came up. 
Referring to the question of command which had arisen, the 
letter intimated that this, and all similar expeditions, should be 
regarded as undertaken for the common benelit of all the 
colonies, and that tlie present was no time to dispute about 
precedency.^^'^ 

The action of Massachusetts upon the subject is consistent 
with her record. On the ITth of May, her Provincial Con- 
gress received the first information of the capture of Ticon- 
deroga, not from Arnold, but from Colonel Allen and Edward 
Mott — the officer in command, and the chairman of the com- 
mittee under whom he acted. Nor is this all. The letters 
containing the information were sent by Colonel Easton, who, 
it was stated in Allen's letter, commanded the Massachusetts 
men. Upon Easton's arrival with the letters, the Congress 
appointed one committee to report on the subject of the cap- 
ture, and another to introduce Colonel Easton to the House, 
"to ffive a narrative of tliat transaction, and that each member 
have hberty to ask him any questions." The report of the 
committee was presented on the same day ; it proposed a letter 
to Connecticut, and a preamble and resolution in the following 
terms : 

" Tlie Cono-ress havinij received authentic intelhs^ence that 
the fort at Ticonderoga is surrendered into the hands of 

t«j Force lb., p. 646. <*^> Force lb*, p. 618. 



61 

Colonel Ethan Allen and others, together with tlie artillery 
and the artillery stores, ammunition, etc., thereunto heiongiiiir, 
for the benefit of these colonies, occasioned by the intrepid 
valor of a number of men under tlie command of tlie said 
Colonel Allen^ Colonel Easton^ of the Massachusetts, and 
others ; and by the advice and direction of the Committee for 
that Expedition, the said Colonel Allen is to remain in posses- 
sion of the same, and its dependencies, until further orders. 

" Resolved, That this Congress do highly approve of the 
same ; and the General Assembly of the Colony of Connecti- 
cut arc hereby desired to give directions relative to garrisoning 
and maintaining the same for the future, until the advice of 
the Continental Congress can be had in that behalf." 

There was an additional resolution, asking Connecticut to 
give orders for the removal of some of the cannon to Massa- 
chusetts, f'"^ 

It is submitted to the judgment of just men, whether this 
official action of the Congress of Massachusetts is not decisive 
against the claims now made in Arnold's behalf. This was the 
Congress to which Arnold should have officially reported the 
capture, if he made it ; for he was acting under its authority, 
if he acted at all. He not only allows Allen to make this 
official report, and transmit it by Easton, but he contents him- 
self with a complaining letter, upon general topics, to the 
Committee of Safety, consisting of a few members, and never 
reports the capture to the Congress. And this Congress, 
haviug Easton, tlie Colonel of one of their own regiments, tlie 
third in rank at Ticonderoga, before it, to give a narrative ot 
the whole transaction, with liberty to each member to question 
him — upon the report of a special committee to consider the 
whole subject — adopts a resolution, which spreads upon its 
records the facts that the expedition was under the orders of a 

m See Journals, Prov. Con. of 3Iass., for 3Iay 17, 1775. 



committee ; that Allen was in command, and that the fort was 
surrendered to him ; that he is to remain in possession, and, 
finally, approving of the whole proceeding, without making 
any reference^ exjpress or iTnjplied^ to the man lohom. it is now 
claimed cajptured this fort under the authority of the very 
body which thus ignored him and his pretensions. 

In the letter to Connecticut, Arnold is mentioned in a man- 
ner which shows the anxiety of the Congress to be rid of him 
as quietly as possible. They suggest that Arnold should be 
sent to Massachusetts with some of the cannon, " with all pos- 
sible haste," as "a means of settling any disputes which may 
have arisen between him and some other officers^ This is 
the only reference to Ai-nold in the proceedings of the Con- 
gress. ^^'^ 

The Committee of Safety, on the 22d of May, referred 
Arnold's letter, of the 11th, to the Congress, as relating to a 
subject beyond its own control. That body, on the same day, 
addressed a letter to Arnold, acknowledging the receipt of his, 
and applauding " the conduct of the troops ! " It also 
" thanks him for his exertions in the cause," encloses a copy of 
the letter to Connecticut, and then proceeds to dispose of the 
whole subject, so far as Massachusetts was concerned, by the 
statement that> " as the affairs of that expedition began in the 
Colony of Connecticut, and the cause being common to us all, 
we have already wrote to the General Assembly of that Colony 
to take the whole matter^ respecting the same, under their 
care and direction^^ etc.^*'^ 

This letter was a practical revocation of any authority which 
Massachusetts had conferred upon Arnold, and it was clearly 
his duty to have returned to the army at Cambridge ; or to 
have sought his futm^e directions from Connecticut. He did 
neither ; but remained at Crown Point, where all his subse- 

(") Force, 807. See App. No. 24. [s^i ^orzt I., p. 639. 



quent letters are dated. In a letter of Maj 23d, to tlie Com- 
mittee of Safety, he calls for money and provisions, and 
indulo:es in ill-concealed exultation over Allen's failure to take 
Montreal/^'^ Without waiting for any orders or permission 
from either Connecticut or New York to do so, on the 26 th of 
May, he announces his pui'pose to send some of the captured 
camion to Massachusetts. This lawless proceeding, intimated 
in a previous letter, called forth an apology from Massachusetts 
to Kew York, and an expression of the hope that it would be 
overlooked as a mistake made " in the hurry and confusion of 
war." <'*> 

Immediately after the capture of Ticonderoga, Allen had 
undertaken to impress upon the Colonies the importance of 
attacking the British forces in Canada, by the way of Lake 
Champlain. Day after day he despatched letters to the Con- 
tinental, as well as the Provincial Congresses, and their influ- 
ential members, in which he demonstrated the feasibility of the 
entei-prise, which he declared he could accomplish with fifteen 
hundred men. But the Colonies were not yet ripe for measures 
of invasion. Instead of attacking Canada, they doubted 
whether they should hold Ticonderoga, which, in Allen's 
opinion, it would be ruinous to the popular cause to abandon. 
His efforts, ably seconded by Colonel Easton,^^^' finally induced 
the leading patriots in Connecticut and Massachusetts to concur 
in the propriety of retaining the forts, and some of them sup- 
ported his proposed invasion of Canada. Arnold, of course, 
opposed whatever Alien approved. He ridiculed Allen's pro- 
posed attack upon Montreal, and continued his exertions to 
send the cannon to Massachusetts. The Congress ol" that State, 
believing itself responsible for Arnold's acts, were coiisfniitly 
sending letters of excuse and apology for them to the Couti- 

<«> Force, p. 693. <5*) Force, p. 715. 

W See Easton's letter to Prov. Con. of Mass. Force's Archives, 919. 



to 



.1 .J u 



Ill JUO' 



64 

nental Congress and their sister colonies/'^' But, wliile they 
were thus exerting themselves to excuse him, he did not hesi- 
tate to open communication for himself with all the sources of 
power. He was in frequent correspondence with the Conti- 
nental, as well as the Congresses of Connecticut and Xew York, 
and, in the early part of June, it is difficult to determine to 
which of these bodies, if to either, he held himself responsible. 
The Congress of Massachusetts was well informed of Arnold's 
movements, and, before the end of May, had become convinced 
of the necessity of asserting an absolute control over his law- 
less imprudence. To avoid doing him any injustice, they 
determined to examine into his conduct, and, in the meantime, 
not to excuse his furtlier rashness, by any sudden withdrawal 
of their confidence. With this view they addressed him a 
letter on the 27th of May, assuring him that they would re- 
ceive no impressions to his disadvantage, until they had given 
him an opportunity to vindicate his conduct ; ^^^^ and, on the 
same day, despatched Colonel Joseph Henshaw, to Hartford, 
with instructions, if Connecticut had made provision for 
garrisoning Ticonderoga, to proceed to that place, and order 
Arnold to return to Massachusetts, and settle his accounts and 
be discharged. Of this resolution the Congress advised Arnold 
in their letter of the same date. Upon reaching Hartford, 
Colonel Henshaw learned that Connecticut had already sent 
Colonel Hinman, with a well appointed force of a thousand 
men, to Ticonderoga, to take the command, and hold the place 
until ^ew York was prepared to relieve them. Colonel Hen- 
shaw^, instead of proceeding to Ticonderoga himself, despatched 
a letter by special express to Arnold, informing him of Colonel 
Hinman's departure, and that it was the expectation of the 
Massachusetts Congress that he should assume the command 
upon his arrival, and, to. leave no question of authority open, 



'"> See Letter or Mass. Cong, to Conn. Force, 722. l^^l Force, 723.- 



65 

and no excuse for Arnold's attempting to retain the command, 
the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, which had originally 
commissond Arnold, without the knowledge of the Congress^ 
on the 28th of May, wrote him that the Congress had now 
taken up the matter, and given the necessary orders respecting 
the acquisition of these forts. As if in anticipation of Arnold's 
disobedience, the letter adds, "it becomes your duty, and is 
our requirement, that you conform yourself to such advice 
and orders as you shall, from time to time, receive from that 
body." f^'i 

Arnold had no intention of surrendering his authority, 
although directed to do so, both by Connecticut and Massa- 
chusetts. As soon as he received information of Colonel Hin- 
man's approach, he became " positive " that an invasion of 
Canada ought to be attempted, and that he could easily take 
Montreal and Quebec. He, therefore, proposed to the Conti- 
nental Congress that, " to give satisfaction to the diflerent 
colonies," Colonel Hinman's regiment should form part of an 
army of two thousand men, which, under his command, sliould 
invade the Canadian Provinces. He expressed the emphatic 
wish that this army should include " no Green Mountain 
BoysT^ This letter he despatched to Philadelphia by one of 
his captains, as a special express. 

Just at this time the colonies, while opposed to the invasion 
of Canada, had become fully awakened to the vital importance of 
holding Ticonderoga at all hazards. A full month had elapsed 
after the capture before they became aware of the value, in a 
military sense, of the position, which was clear to Allen before 
its seizure was attempted. The feeling of the leading patriots 
on the subject is well expressed in a letter to General Warren, 
written from Northampton by Joseph Hawley, on the 9 th of 
June.^^'* Speaking of Ticonderoga, he says : " I am still in 

[Ml Force, 723-727. <"J Force, 944. 

5 



66 

agonies for the greatest possible despatch to secure that pass." 
He points out that it is the spot where the greatest mischief to 
the colonies " may be withstood and resisted ; but, if that is 
relinquished or taken from us, desolation must come in upon 
us like a flood." "The design of seizing that fort was glori- 
ously conceived ; but to what purpose did our forces light there, 
if they are now to fly away ? " In these and like emphatic 
terms, he urged that Ticonderoga should be strengthened with- 
out the loss of a day. Its importance was beginning to be 
understood ; none knew it better than Arnold, and the idea of 
losing its command at such a time was resisted by all the sel- 
fish impulses of his soul. 

The report of Colonel Henshaw to the Massachusetts Con- 
gress, early in June, had shown to that body the propriety of 
allowing Connecticut to appoint the commander-in-chief of 
Ticonderoga, and the necessity of settling all questions of pre- 
cedence, so far as Arnold was concerned. His purpose to re- 
sist his own removal had already been foreshadowed, though it 
was not believed he would proceed to the extremity of actual 
mutiny. There was evidence enough, however, to induce that 
Congress to inform itself thoroughly of the condition of affairs 
upon this frontier. It had already called upon its Committee 
of Safety for copies of Arnold's commission ; the papers re- 
lating to his appointment ; the engagements of the Committee 
to him; the authority they had conferred upon liim, and 
"everything necessary to give the Congress a full understand- 
ing of the relation Colonel Arnold then stood in to the 
Colony." ^*°^ On the 12th of June, it resolved to appoint three 
persons to repair to Ticonderoga, examine into the state of 
affairs there, and act in such a manner as the Congress should 
direct. The importance of this action, in the opinion of the 
Congress, is shown by the fact that the committee, which con- 

(W) Force, 716. 



.'• ->ti;.." J 



67 

siste'd of Walter Spooner, Jedediah Foster and James Sullivan, 
were elected by ballot, and another committee was appointed 
to prepare their instructions. These instructions were pre- 
sented to the Congress, and approved on the 13th, and given 
to the committee on the 1-ith of June. They were minute and 
specific, and covered the whole subject. They directed the 
committee to retain Arnold in tlie service only in case he was 
willing to serve at one or both of the posts, under the com- 
mand of such chief ofiicer as Connecticut might appoint, and, 
in that event, they were to continue him in commission, if they 
should judge it best " for the general service and safety," after 
Laving made themselv^es " fully acquainted with the spirit, 
capacity and conduct of said Arnold." They were fully em- 
powered to discharge him, and, in that event, were to direct 
him to return to the colony and settle his accounts. They were 
also directed to inform themselves thoroughly of the past trans- 
actions in this quarter, and with every fact which would enable 
them to advise the Congress intelligently ; and to act for the 
common interest of the colonies.^^'^ 

These instructions invested the committee with all the powers 
which the Congress itself could have exercised, and they were 
limited in their action only, by their own discretion. The 
committee immediately departed upon their mission, the history 
of -which is given in their report on the 6th of the following 
July, and the various letters written by themselves and others 
in the intervening period. 

Upon reaching Ticonderoga, the committee found a remark- 
able condition of afiaii'S. Colonel Hinman, with his regiment, 
had arrived ; but, instead of turning over the command, Arnold 
had transferred it to Captain Herrick, from whom Colonel 
Hinman's men were obliged to take their orders, or were not 
suffered to pass to and from the garrison. The coninnttee 



.«?»> See Proc. Prov. Con. of Mass., Juue 13, 1775. 



ly'-yn 






68 

entered upon their investigations, determined to inform them- 
selves of all the facts before taking any active measures. Their 
report sheds light upon the capture, and confirms the correct- 
ness of Allen's account. This report ought to be accepted as 
full proof of the facts it contains, for it comprises the con- 
clusions of an impartial committee of the body under which 
Arnold claimed to have acted, made upon a thorough examin- 
ation of the facts, within a month after the events transpired. 
The committee had copies of Arnold's commission and instruc- 
tions. " They state that they " informed themselves, as fully as 
they were able, in what manner he had executed his said com- 
mission and instructions, and find that he was \vith Colonel 
Allen and others at the time the fort was reduced, hut do not 
find that he had any men under his command at the time of 
the reduction of these fortresses .^" After the lapse of nearly 
a hundred years, can Arnold's admirers hope successfully to 
contradict this quasi judicial determination of the question 
which the committee had undertaken to set at rest forever ! ^^^ 

Some of the experiences of the committee it would have 
been indiscreet further to publish to the enemy, and they must 
be sought elsewhere than in their report. But the facts were 
recorded at the time by men of unimpeachable veracity. The 
report states that Arnold did possess himself of the sloop on 
the lake, at St. Johns, and that the committee found him 
" claiming the command of said sloop and a schooner, which 
is said to be the property of Major Skene ; and also all the 
postp and fortresses at the south end of Lake Champlain and 
Lake George, although Colonel Hinman was at Ticonderoga, 
with near a thousand men imder his command at the several 
posts." 

Arnold was at Crown Point, some twelve miles from Ticon- 
deroga, when the committee arrived ; and, without interfering 



r«2JSee Report of this Committee. Force, 1596. 



Ili'i 



, ..M 't*. 






f. Ht^ ' ^i;< I-fT' 



69 

with affairs at the latter place, the committee passed on to the 
former, where, the vessels were. Arnold was prepared for 
their reception, ^nd had sent a strong force on board the 
vessels. Tlie committee informed him of their commission, 
and, at his request, gave him a copy of their instructions, upon 
reading which, " he seemed greatly disconcerted." His con- 
clusion was no sudden outburst of anger. It was taken " after 
some time contemplating upon the matter ; " and after the 
committee had informed him, in writing, that it was the expec- 
tation of the Congress of Massachusetts, that the officer in 
command of the Continental forces should command the posts, 
and that tlie committee required him to conform to the instruc- 
tions of the Congress, and deliver the command to the proper 
Connecticut officer. He then peremptorily refused to comply 
with the instructions, and declared that "he would not be 
second in command to any person whomsoever." It is unim 
portant whether the committee thereupon discharged him from 
the service, as stated by Mott, or he resigned his commission 
in the impudent letter of June 24th, which he sent to the com- 
mittee.^"' 

The result was a mutiny ! for which Arnold was responsi- 
ble as the chief instigator. According to Mott's statement, 
the committee desired the privilege of speaking with Arnold's 
men, but were not permitted to do so. Arnold and a portion 
of his men retired on board the vessels, and threatened to sail 
to St» Johns and deliver themselves up to the enemy. He states 
that Arnold had disbanded all the men but those on board the 
vessels, wliicli had drawn off into the lake ;. that the committee 
left the post in a state -of anarchy; that they were threatened 
and ill-treated wliile there, and when they came away, were 
actually fired upon with swivels and small arms by Arnold^s 
peojple. 

(«3. See 4^pp^ ^Q 25. 



to 

' Mott thereupon obtained permission from Colonel Hinman 
to proceed from Ticonderoga to Crown Point, and, if possible, 
board the vessels. He was accompanied by Colonel Sullivan, 
a member of the committee, Lieutenant Halsey, and a Mr. 
Duer, one of the civil appointees of xSew York, for the county 
of Charlotte, who was > very influential in composing the diffi- 
culty. They got on board the vessels about eleven o'clock the 
next morning. Arnold separated the party, placing some of 
the members on each vessel, under guards with fixed bayonets, 
and so kept them until evening, wlien they were permitted to 
return. They found opportunities, however, to converse with 
the men, and convinced some of them of their error, who 
declared that they had been deceived by Arnold. Colonel 
Sullivan was grossly insulted while on board the vessels, especi- 
ally by Brown, one of Arnold's captains. The party returned 
to Ticonderoga, whence Colonel Ilinman sent a detachment 
back to Crown Point, which succeeded, the next day, in gain- 
ing possession of the vessels, 

• On the 24th, Arnold made a written resignation of his com- 
mission, and the committee, with the aid of Colonel Hinman, 
John Brown, Surgeon Jonas Fay, and others, succeeded in 
restoring the order and discipline of the two posts, and in 
arranging all the difficulties with the men. Their judicious 
conduct rescued the country from a peril almost as fearful as 
that in which Arnold afterwards involved it on the banks of 
the Hudson. It seems almost inconceivable how any officer of 
the Kevolutionary army could have trusted Arnold after this 
conclusive proof of his utter selfishness and want of patriotism. 
Had he carried out his threat of delivering up the vessels, and 
with them the command of the lake to the enemy, the conse- 
quences must have been disastrous, if not fiital, to the cause 
of popular liberty.^^^^ 

"J Force, 1591,96. 



:j)t- 



III 



11 

Returning now to Arnold's own account of affiairs in this 
vicinity, which lias been somewhat anticipated in giving a con- 
nected relation of tlie action of Massacliusetts in the premises, 
we iind his next letter dated on the 23d of May, at Crown 
Point, and directed to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety/"^ 
It is unimportant, except for its ungenerous remarks upon tlie 
feilure of Allen's attempt upon St. Johns. On the 26tli, lie 
advises the same committee of his purpose to send some of the 
captured guns to Massachusetts as soon as possible. It is in 
his letter of May 29th, to the Continental Congress, that he 
undertakes to give the second version of his participation in 
the connnand at the time of the capture.^®*' 

Arnold could never tell the story of his command twice 
alike. Three weeks before, he had written, " / had agreed 
with Colonel Allen to issue further orders jointly." Xow he 
says, that near the fort, he " met one Colonel Allen, with about 
one hundred men, raised at the instance of some gentlemen 
from, Connecticut^ who agreed tliat we should take a joint 
command." He adds, " some dispute arising between Colonel 
Allen and myself, prevented my carrying my orders into execu- 
tion." The "gentlemen from Connecticut" have recorded 
their emphatic contradiction of the statements of this letter. 

The third and concluding version of the joint command, 
although nominally the work of a third person, bears strong 
evidence that it was inspired by Arnold himself, the confessed 
author of the two others. In Thomas' " Oracle of Liberty," 
of May 24th, an account of the capture, given by Coloufil 
Easton, had been publislied, which assigned the command to 
Allen, gave Easton a conspicuous position in the seizure, but 
made no mention of Arnold. It was contradicted in Ilult's 
" New York Journal," of June 25th, by a writer under the 
pseudonym of " Veritas," wlio professed to have been one of 

(«5) Force, 693. Force, 734. 



•^v:>U.J 



•72 

the attacking party, and an eye-witness of the capture. Accord- 
ing to " Yeritas," the Connecticut Committee were joined by 
Easton, after their arrival ujpon the Grants, though it is well 
known that Easton came with the committee from Pittsfield. 
fie states that Arnold, having concerted a similar plan, *' pro- 
ceeded to the party under the command of Colonel Allen,'' 
and that " when Colonel Arnold made known his commission, 
etc., it was voted by the officers present that he should take £ 
joint command with Colonel Allen (Colonel Easton not presum- 
ing to take any command)." According to Veritas, the Green 
Mountain Boys were very unwilling to cross the lake; hut 
" Colonel Arnold, with much difficulty, persuaded about forty " 
of them to do so ! When they got over, these still wished to 
await the arrival of the rest of the party, but "Arnold urged 
to storm the fort immediately, declaring he would enter it alone 
if no man had courage enough to follow him ! " He says that 
Arnold was the first to enter the fort, Allen being about five 
yards behind him; that Arnold demanded the surrender — 
Easton being hid away in an old barrack, under pretence of 
drying his gun. He also relates that he had the pleasure of 
seeing Easton heartily kicked by Arnold," etc. 

Arnold has now exhausted all the sources from which his 
joint command could be derived, save one. First, he has it 
by an agreement with Allen himself; next, by an agreement 
with the Connecticut Committee, and, thirdly, by a vote of the 
officers present. Had he given a fourth account, he would 
probably have secured it from the vote of the men, w^ho pro- 
posed to disband upon the suggestion that they were to be 
placed under his authority. 

The remarkable efiusion of " Veritas " is followed in Force's 

Archives^*^^ by three documents, which clearly evince the same 

' paternity. One of them, directed to " The Printer," refers to 

(«7) Force, 1085, 90. 



73 

an address "from the inhabitants on Lake Champlain, to the 
worthy Colonel Arnold^ who, oil the first ahirm of tlie ravage 
and bloodshed committed by the Ministerial troops at Lexing- 
ton, marched with his company of cadets, from New Haven, 
to the assistance of his bleeding countrymen." It states that 
on the march he concerted the plan for the reduction of Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point, and the Provincial Congress and 
Committee of Safety approving of his plan, aTid confiding in 
his judgment and fidelity, commissioned him to reduce the 
same, which, " by his vigilence and prudence he soon effected; " 
that, without the loss of one man, he obtained the command of 
an extent of country one hundred and sixty miles in length, 
which cost the British nation two millions of money and two 
campaigns," etc., etc. The writer consoles himself for tlie loss 
of a Warren, and many other worthy men, by the reflection 
that an Arnold is yet ^preserved, " wiio, though enemies mis- 
represent his conduct, will yet be found to merit the highest 
approbation." 

The address to Arnold is still more fulsome and adulatory. 
It purports to have been signed by the principal inhabitants on 
the lake, in behalf of themselves and six hundred families con- 
tiguous thereto, who, deeply impressed with a sense of his 
merit, and their weighty obligations to him, testify their grati- 
tude and thankfulness for his important conquests, his benevo- 
lence to the inhabitants, his tenderness to the prisoners, his 
humane and polite manner, which have shown a bright example 
" of that elevation and generosity of soul, which nothing less 
than real magnaminity and innate virtue could inspire." 
After a column of this material, they conclude by expressing 
their sorrow for his approaching removal, and lamenting their 
situation at the thoughts of losing him. Tlie receipt of this 
document is acknowledged by a note from Arnold, printed in 
the same connection. 



u 

There can be no necessity for wasting time in the refutation 
of these documents addressed to, or concerning, a man who at 
that date was actually engaged in corrupting his men, and 
creating a mutiny. That Arnold supervised, if he did not 
dictate them, is as certain as if they appeared over his own 
signature. Of course the address is not signed ; the name is 
not given of one of the principal inhabitants, or six hundred 
families. There were not that number within ten miles of 
Lake Champlain, and the few settlers along the lake held 
Arnold in detestation. Who but Arnold, or his valet, could 
have given that minute account of his actions, and even his 
thoughts, all the way from Cambridge to Castleton ? Who 
but he, in the assaulting party, would have written such an 
account ? Such trash is only valuable to enable us to form an ' 
estimate of the man — proud, arrogant, selfisli, and so conceited 
that he thought all the world admired him. These documents 
proclaim their authorsliip, and refute themselves. They are 
contradicted by every witness, every known fact, and every 
circumstance in every important particular. 

The advocates of Arnold seek to strengthen their case by 
asserting that he remained here in command after Allen had 
withdrawn, and his party had returned to their homes. My 
limits will not allow me to pursue the history into further 
details. I leave the subject with this statement : Arnold was 
never in command of Ticonderoga during this campaign. 
Immediately after the capture, he left Ticonderoga, wliere he 
was hated by the men, and an annoyance to the oliicers, and 
went to Crown Point, where Allen and Warner were content 
that he should exercise his brief authority. Whatever he did, 
was done tliere, and there the Massachusetts Committee found 
liim, when they finally dismissed him from the service. 

Benedict Arnold possessed few of the qualities of which 
heroes are made. The native generosity of his countrymen 



T5 

has induced them to give him more credit than he ever <l<firrvi d 
for his service in the cause of popular liberty, and has led ^,iu,^ 
of them to attempt excuses for liis crimes. lie has even hrt-n 
represented as the victim of misfortune, slowly driven to trt'u*on 
by the consciousness of unrequited merit, and the eonvic?i:.n 
that inferior men were preferred before him. Tlie (.tlVTt to 
make him the hero of Ticonderoga is of recent orii^Jn, iwul 
was never undertaken while the witnesses were livino-, niu\ 
their e\ddence fresh in tlie public mind. The desire of tij«? 
American people not to deal unjustly with a great criminal luu 
given it some currency. The facts of his life, when thuroiiL'lv 
comprehended, assign him his true place in history — at!u.ij<r 
the most dangerous of unprincipled men. They (li.-rl*>M' :i 
character in wdnch selfishness w^as the controlling elenK-nt. It 
gave impulse to every thought of his mind ; it directed v\<ry 
action of his body. It was displayed in the precocity ot* a 
wicked childhood; even then he was wayward and vi<-ii»u#. 
seeking his keenest pleasures in the torture and destruction v»!* 
dumb, defenseless animals. As he grew older, his cornu t«'ii 
tastes and evil habits destroyed tlie happiness of an exrrll<f;t 
mother ; and an attempt to murder, while yet a boy, sullimi 
to cloud a sister's whole life with sorrow. The son of an ob- 
scure sea-faring man, he varied the monotony of his yi-utljisl 
experiences by voyages to the West Indies, liorsc tnsdin;: m 
Canada, fighting a duel, and enlistments in and «l<.MTti"ii» 
from the service. Such activity in evil courses indicafed .'4l»u;?r* 
if he could be subjected to restraint, and friends wm* t -.■. ! 
wdio furnished capital to establish him in ])u.<ino.-s, in Jh<* !;■ ;»^^ 
that he would settle down and a])andon his wicked wa^*, I ^' 
news of Lexington found him a small drug^i.-t, aiid t;.*- e;>|.*.* n 
of a volunteer company in IS'ew Haven. Love «'f c\« st»:t5.* ; s, 
and a passion for destructiveness, more than any m^Ai^e *.4 
patriotism, led him to join the army. Uow he ca'^e t*> t;. * 



76 

frontier we have already seen. Here, lie claimed that his early 
experiences, had given him a knowledge of naval afiairs ; and, 
with the schooner which Ilerrick had captured from Mnjor 
Skene, and some smaller craft, he fitted out a little fleet, and 
with it took the Britisli vessels on the lake. Of that force he 
was the real commander, and of none other. His teeming 
brain daily gave birth to some rash and dangerous project, by 
which his own advancement was to be promoted. He divided 
men into two parties, — his friends, who admired liis greatness, 
and his enemies, who were envious of his fame, and were con- 
stantly engaged in efforts to undermine and destroy him. He 
secured his commission, confident tluit it would give him the 
chief command in this quarter, and liis failure to secure it filled 
him with angry disappointment. He was unpopular with the 
soldiers, feared by his inferiors, despised by all. We have seen 
how his rashness involved the colonies in serious difficulties, and 
how prudently Massachusetts undertook to control him, and 
make him useful to the country, while lie was impressing all 
who knew him with what Captain Mott calls " his extraordinary 
ill conduct." Impatient under investigation, maddened that 
his authority should be questioned, unable to dispose of Colonel 
Hinman, he was ready, when the Massachusetts Committee 
reached Ticonderoga, to scout their authority and defy their 
power. When peremptorily ordered to turn over his command, 
this model patriot and military leader, with such of his men as 
he could control, broke into open mutiny, retired on board the 
vessels, and threatened to desert and deliver them up to the 
enemy. He even attempted the lives of the committee, after 
he had subjected them to threats and imprisonment. Finally, 
having quarrelled with his brother officers, abandoned by his 
soldiers, unable longer to resist the committee, powerless for 
further evil, in disgrace witli everybody, he flung up his com- 
mission and vanished from the scene. The war presented no 



tik 



77 

parallel instance of treasonable insubordination. Wah h 
strange that Colonel Brown, in the next campaign, and v«arit 
before his greater crime, posted him as a robber of [>ri?ot!i-nv, 
who surrendered on the faith of liis promises ; a murdrr«T <»f 
defenseless non-combatants, and a traitor ready made wiivij hi** 
price was tendered ! that he should marry a Tory heir* k% 
and enter upon a life of extravagant debauchery, Mhirh <-oii!-l 
odIj be supported by fraud and peculation upon the j»uMh- 
treasury; that he was convicted by a court martial, and npri- 
manded by Washington ! that his treason culminated at tli^ 
first favorable opportunity; and, finally, that his niur(l<r«>u« 
ravages in his native and other States, should have shown t!s:it 
all the accidents of all the wars on this continent never lircii^'isi 
to the surface of public life any man so thoroughly (Kprtvrv! 
as he whose name has become a synonym for the liiglic^t trea- 
son ! True, he fought well at Stillwater, but at that moinon! 
he was devising plans for revenge upon his associates fjr taiiri. •! 
slights, and plotting new schemes to relieve himself from the 
debts in which his courses had involved him. A few urt» <;f 
bravery, a few spasms of patriotism, scattered hke fitfid 'j;l«anjj» 
through the darkness of a wicked life, instead of exciisin^^ i.is 
treachery, only serve to make it more conspicuous, it i- i\m« 
to have done witli apologies for the w^orst man ever i)oni on 
American soil; with efi'orts to excite the worldV aihuinitJ^Jn 
for a man who possibly might have been a patriot, it h:- hm 
not been a traitor. It is time to strip from his (l«-funij!ty iht* 
mantle which a mistaken charity has thrown over it. It.- t}.^ 
world's history there have been two conspicuous truitorM. liui 
there is a choice between them, and one was tlie better j;.r.':. - 
for he repented of his treason, cried out that Im- ; ; : ^ ■' 
innocent blood, threw down his thirty pieces, and ^u ut v i 
hanged himself! The other wasted his price upon h:« ^^^**, 
was pensioned by his purchasers, and went detected ulJ u;.fi> 



aj :- 



■T8 

pentant to his foreign grave ! He was a bad boy and a worse 
man, depraved and unprincipled from his cradle to his latest 
day. His claims to the respect of true men are just as good, 
when he is selling his country on the banks of the Hudson, as 
when he is writing false letters from the shores of Lake Cham- 
plain. 

It is neither my desire nor my purpose to defend Ethan 
Allen. I am not here to set forth liis virtues, or apologise for 
his faults. Tliat there were grave defects in his character is 
neither denied nor sought to be concealed. His generous, 
impulsive nature ; his complete self-conlidence, which led him to 
believe himself equal to any enterprise ; his intense hatred for 
tyranny and oppression in all their forms, were qualities which 
do not exist in man, except in connection with strong passions, 
and other objectionable elements. He belonged to a class who 
are most popular with those who know them best, and are 
usually misjudged by those who know little of them. For he 
was careless of the opinions of others, and seemed to delight 
in misleading them in their judgment of liimself. He despised 
the acts by which popularity is courted ; and those who count 
him a demagogue may be defied to point to a single word he 
ever uttered, a single act he ever performed, merely to gain the 
popular applause. He was of large stature and strong muscle, 
capable of great exertion and endurance, and he feared nothing 
under the sun. His education was better than that of the 
average of men in those days, when but little time could be 
spared for instruction, in the severe and universal struggle for 
existence. With proper training, he would have been capable 
of intellectual eminence, for he has left many evidences that 
he was able to seize and present effectually the points in an 
argument. Falsehood and tergiversation were so offensive to 
him,- that he would not tolerate them even to promote liis own 



79 

interests, and he detested injustice of every description with all 
the energy of his intense organization. Love of liberty was 
the controlling passion of his sonl, inspiring every impulse, 
directing every action. In the presence of sorrow, he was 
gentle as a woman, and among the many traditions concerning 
him which have been preserved, those are most numerous which 
show his effective service in behalf of the poor, the unfortunate 
and the distressed. If his faults were grave, w^ho has the right 
to say that they were not counterbalanced by his virtues ? 

But it is Allen's conduct during the campaign of 1775 that 
we are now considering, and in that, while there is mucli to 
praise, there is little to censure. Called out for a special pur- 
pose, on a moment's warning, with no preparation for a long 
service, when their work was done, Allen and his men expected 
to return to their homes. They remained here, performing all 
their duties as long as they were needed, and until they were 
properly relieved. Allen constantly reported to his superiors, 
and faithfully obeyed their orders. When Colonel Hinman 
reached Ticonderoga with his regiment, he was received cordi- 
ally by Allen, who promptly turned over his command. Con- 
vinced that the Revolution had need of the Green Mountain 
Boys, Allen and AVarner then hurried to Philadelphia, and 
asked from the Continental Congress authority to form them 
into a regiment. " I ask the privilege," Allen had already 
written, " of raising a small regiment of Eangers. It is, truly, 
the first favor I ever asked of the government ; if it be granted, 
I wdll zealously endeavor to conduct myself for the best good 
of my country." In the presence of tliat august body, face to 
face with his old enemy, Duane, he told the story of Ticon- 
deroga, and again presented his petition. The leader of a 
people claimed to be in rebeUion, opened the doors of the Con- 
gress by his manly .appeal. That body resolved to pay the Yer- 
monters for their service here, and granted authority to raise 



80 

a regiment, conditioned upon the approval of New York. With 
the resolution in his hands, authenticated by the signature of 
John Hancock, he returned to New York city, where the Pro- 
vincial Congress was in session. There, was exhibited a scene 
which illustrates the patriotism of the time. To that Congress, 
whose authority he had so many times defied, and to whose 
constituents he had applied the " beech seal," he proposed to 
bury the old bitter feud beneath the wave of liberty then 
sweeping over the land. In vain the speculators in Vermont 
lands, and their agents, protested. In vain they exclaimed 
that he was " a felon, an outlaw with a price upon his head, 
and that it would disgrace the Congress to admit him within 
their doors ! " "I move that Ethan Allen be permitted to 
have an audience at this board ! " exclaims a member. " I 
second the motion ! " shouts Smith, of Duchess, and by a vote 
of two to one, it was (says the record) " ordered that Ethan 
Allen be admitted." And the record continues, " Seth Warner 
was admitted at the same time." ^^^^ What Allen said, we do 
not know ; but we do know that the envoys from the moun- 
tains were heard, and that, at the same setting, the Congress, 
which a year before had proclaimed Allen a traitor, and offered 
a reward to any who would hunt him down, confirmed the 
order of the Continental Congress, and sent Allen to General 
Schuyler, with authority to raise the regiment, which should 
elect its own officers, and witli directions which secured Schuy- 
ler's co-operation. It did no great harm that "the County of 
Albany" (the headquarters of the speculators) " and Mr. John 
DeLancey dissented to the above order and resolve." 

The reojiment was raised. Then occurred another event which 
brought out the qualities of Allen's character. Eemember, 
he had been the military leader of the Grants from the begin- 
ning ; his energy had overcome all the obstacles, and he had 

m Force, 1338. 



81 

procured authority to raise the regiment — he should have been 
its colonel. jS^ow, when the election of officers was made, the 
older settlers, distrusting his bold impetuosity, ignored his 
claims, and chose the more cautious Warner in his place. It 
was a cold and cruel neglect, for which there was no excuse- 
He might well be pardoned for having expressed his natural in- 
dignation. Did he resent the neglect, and, like Arnold, threaten 
desertion to the enemy ? ISTo ! He scarcely uttered a word of 
complaint. He knew there was a place for him in the Ke vo- 
lution — if not as an officer, then as a private. " I hope the 
Congress will remember me," he wrote, "for I desire to remain 
in the service," and with all the energy of his soul he went 
into the contest. He fought his country's battles, and in her 
behalf endured, without a murmur, long years of insult and 
imprisonment. His sacrifices and sufferings every Yermonter 
knows. It does not surprise them that, three years later, the 
Father of his Country said of him : " His firmness and forti- 
tude seem to have placed him out of the reach of misfortune. 
There is something about him that conimands our admu-ation." 
There was a place for him in the Revolution — there is a place 
for him in iiistory. He needs no monument to perpetuate his 
fame. As the wheels of time roU on, a grateful country for- 
gets his faults, and remembers him for his daring courage, his 
generous heart, his fidehty to his country, and his unselfish 
devotion to the State he loved. Compare such a man with 
Benedict Arnold ! Tlie soldier of freedom with the soldier of 
fortune ! Hercules to Cacus ! Hyperion to a Satyr ! " A beast, 
that wants discourse of reason," knows which is the hero and 
which the fraud. 

I am aware that criticisms have been made upon the 

language in which Allen asserts that the demand for surrender 

was made. For example, it is said that he could not have made 

the reference to the Continental Congress, because that body 

6 



i 



82 

was not in session until several hours after the surrender. 
These are too puerile to deserve notice. They never raised a 
doubt that the language was used, save in the minds of the very 
limited number of persons no better informed than the authors 
of these suggestions. 

The subsequent history of Ticonderoga has many points of 
interest. The command of Schuyler; the return here, in 1776, 
of the remnants of Montgomery's shattered army, saved by the 
energy of the Yermonters, turning out in answer to booster's 
call ; the coming of Gates, — his summons to the Green Moun 
tain militia, who were publicly thanked by him for defending 
yonder fort from capture ; their gathering here again in 1777., 
under Warner and St. Clair, — the retreat of the latter, the 
stubborn, gallant fight at Hubbardton ; Bennington and Sara- 
toga; the ravages of the British in 1778 — their invasion in 
1780, when they scoured the country as far down as Stillwater ; 
the negotiations with Canada, in 1781, which have given so 
much distress to the enemies of Vermont ; the appearance 
of the British here in force, in October of that year, when the 
Yermonters " put the hook in their nose, and turned them 
back by the way whence they came," with others, enough to 
nil a volume, must be wholly omitted. Many of them have 
been recorded in that best of " Early Plistories," written by 
your venerable ex-President. They are incidents over which 
the children of Yermont will Kno-er with interest throuiJ:h all 
coming time. 

I have, thus, once more presented the history of the capture 
of Ticonderoga. I think I have referred to all the material 
evidence which bears upon the origin of the expedition, or the 
question of command. Bight well I know that I have repeated 
an " oft told tale." The assaults of Allen's mahgners ; their 



83 

claims in behalf of Arnold have been often exposed and refuted. 
But the leaven of old prejudices against Vermont and her early 
settlers is still active. There are those who, even now, cannot 
be comforted at the thought, that in spite of all their enemies, 
the Green Mountain Boys wrought out their independence, — 
who believe that a false charge acquires strength by repetition. 
There are few false charges in history which have been reiter- 
ated with such blind malice, such persistence in error, as those 
against Allen and the Yermonters. When once set in motion, 
the vitality of a falsehood in history is something surprising. 
You may refute it, but it will not stay refuted. You may beat 
it down to-day, to-morrow it is up again, as vigorous as ever. 
Nay ! you may slay it as dead as the creature of a prehistoric 
age, smitten to its brain center by a thunderbolt of the Almighty, 
— buned below the rocks of the Laurentian epoch, and turned 
to stone by the chemistry of cosmic ages ; and there shall l)e 
some " man with the muck rake," some delver in the ruins of 
the past who will j-ob the tomb of its skeleton, and bring it forth 
into the hght of day ; and, while its shape offends the sight of all 
others, to him it will seem an angelic form, of ambrosial fragrance 
and seraphic beauty I Thus has it been with the falsehoods 
against Allen and his men. Three times they have been refuted 
byv members of this society. The origin of the expecliti(»n bus 
been demonstrated and minutely described by an acconipli.-hcd 
scholar of tlie State whence it came;^^^' tlie historians of our 
country, some of them honored sons of ^'ew York, are agreed 
in their conclusions ; and yet these writers of the new 5C'1i<h>1 
of history, without facts, go on repeating their libels as tlnMii:h 
they were nuide stronger by repetition. There was a tiwe 
when they might have been excused by the superiici;il kin-u- 
ledge and bitter prejudices of their authors. But nut u*>\v. 
Those, who now repeat them, know them to be untrue, lloxv- 

(68» App. 26. 



S4: 

ever slight their general knowledge of American history, they 
must be presumed to have read the evidence which has been 
republished in answer to their charges; their ignorance of which, 
in the preparation of such charges, was wholly inexcusable. 
The repetition of such statements, after the evidence has been 
produced, and they have been pointed to its depositories, there- 
fore, can have neither excuse nor apology. But they are re- 
peated in the journals, in magazine articles, in addresses, 
occasional speeches, — in every form which may attract the 
public attention. Even a recent guide book offers to the 
traveler historical information like this: That the action of the 
Connecticut Committee was inspired by the letter of John 
Brown, from Canada ; that the command was exercised, and 
the capture made by Arnold and Allen, — placing the traitor 
first ; that Romans was with the party at Castleton, when 
Mott's careful record shows that " he left at Bennington, and 
joined no more ; " that " an arrangement was made by which 
Arnold and Allen were to hold soTnething like a joint com- 
mand." In this book, the story of " Veritas," " six hundred 
families included," is rehashed and presented as a delicious 
morsel of history ; and, w^iile Arnold is portrayed as the " re- 
storer of harmony," — the Bayard without reproach, — Allen 
is declared to be " a sort of Robin Hood," who " played the 
part of a swaggering brigand." 

But the gem of this volume, is the modest conclusion of its 
author, that he leaves ''^ Allen less a hero than he found hhn!^'' 
Poor, indeed, is the record which can be dimmed or diminished 
by such an assailant ! And these statements are to be accepted 
as facts in " the new era," upon which, according to this 
reverend defamer, " the study of American history has now 
entered." For the welfare of his flock, it is to be hoped that 
he is a safer guide in the " narrow way " than he is in the 
history of Ticonderoga. 



•;n 



85 

In view of all the facts, it may not have been an unprofitable 
use of our' time to have spent an hour, here, upon the ground 
and theatre of these important events, in vindicating the truth 
of a familiar history. Here was the first substantial triumph 
in arms of American liberty, — the step in advance which made 
retreat dishonorable, reconciliation impracticable. Here was 
the first victory, which strengthened the brave and confirmed 
the wavering. After the morning of the 10th of May, 1775, 
there was no alternative between thirteen conquered colonies 
and an independent nation. This triumph was won by our 
forefathers. It is our duty to see that their honors are not 
stolen away. I have no hope that I have presented this subject 
in any clearer light than those who have preceded me. But 
none of them have attempted to bring all the facts together, 
and present the entire history in detail, in a connected form. 
This work I have endeavored to do. I believe I have referred 
to all the material evidence, or pointed out the places wdiere 
it may be found. If any of it is new, it will delight me to 
have made such a contribution to the treasury of history. 
As I understand history, its chief value consists in pointing out 
the repositories of the facts of which it is made, that those who 
choose may examine them for themselves. On such facts, so 
far as our present subject is concerned, Vermont may trust her 
cause to the impartial judgment of the world. Let diligent 
students of our revolutionary history, — who have no prejudices 
to satisfy, no preconceived opinions to support, no passions to 
blind them, and no theories to maintain, — answer the question 
which I proposed, at the commencement of this address, for 
themselves. Let them say whether it must not be answered 
now, as *very honest historian has answered it for ninety-seven 
years ? " Tico7ideroga icas captured by the Green Mountain 
BoySy led by Ethan Allen I " 



86 • 

I hoped, on this occasion, to have briefly referred to that 
single other charge which the assailants of Vermont hare 
attempted to establish upon the facts of her early record, — 
that of infidelity to the cause of the country, in the negotiations 
with Haldimand, in 1780-81. This charge was made at the 
time, and refuted, somewhat contemptuously by those whose 
integrity in this transaction was questioned ; and it has been 
refuted as often as it has been renewed. There is a consider- 
able amount of evidence on this subject, which has not recently 
been made public. In connection with facts already known, 
it not only excludes from that transaction any taint of suspicion, 
but shows it to have been a work of statesmanship, which not 
only protected Yermont in the most critical period of her ex- 
istence, when threatened by powerful invasions, and by dana;ers 
which might have overwhelmed any State, — eveiy soldier and 
gun of the national forces were withdrawn from her territory, 
and she was left to defend herself by her own resources, — but 
which powerfully contributed to the success of the national 
cause. Had time permitted, I should have laid some of this 
evidence before you. But it matters little ; Vermont can afibrd 
to wait. The evidence will be preserved, and, if I do not, some 
other Vermonter will make it public. And then the world 
will know that no State in the Union had such a struggle for 
existence as ours ; and that, in the whole twenty years of her 
stormy battle for life, there is no important fact or incident to 
be regretted by her children. Her early history will stand, in 
completeness and in detail, more interesting, dramatic and 
creditable to her pioneers, than that of any of her sisters. She 
entered upon her twenty years war, defended by a few courage- 
ous men. She carried it on against the forces of nature, sur- 
rounded by enemies, threatening her on every side. But her 
enemies never invaded her soil, unless to their own destruction. 



87 

She came out of the contest, not only the victor, but respected 
by all her sister States. With her honor untarnished, she took 
her seat as an equal at the N'ational council board, where her 
voice has ever since been powerful on the side of freedom and 
justice ; where it has never been raised in behalf of oppression 
or wrong. Her sons would be recreant descendants of her early 
soldiers and statesmen, if they did not guard her honor as their 
most precious inheritance. 

Nor should the acts or words of individuals be charged 
against any of her sister States. Vermont has no controversy 
with Kew York — she never had. On the contrary, she is 
proud of the Empire State, and rejoices in her rapid march 
toward the commercial supremacy of the world. To suppose 
that the State of [N'ew York ever sought to swallow up Ver- 
mont, is to misunderstand the facts of history. There were 
" Rings," a hundred years ago, as powerful and selfish as those 
of to-day. One of them, composing high State officials, land 
jobbers and speculators, before the Revolution, for a time con- 
trolled the legislative and executive powers of that State, as 
effectively as others have controlled them at a recent period. 
They parcelled out the favors of royalty, and the lands of 
honest owners, to their favorites, but they never had the support 
or sympathy of the people of Kew York. The proof meets 
ns at every turn. They proclaimed rewards, large and tempt- 
ing in those days, for the capture of Ethan Allen. He went 
fearlessly to Albany, and no man molested him. They never 
could enforce their disgraceful laws, and never tried to enforce 
them. Their processes failed of service, for the " power of the 
county " would never come forth at their call. Their few 
attempts at arrest more nearly resembled kidnapping expe- 
ditions, than the ordinary execution of legal warrants. The 
instincts of a people are almost always on the side of justice. 
Those of the people of New York were always with the Ver- 



'i .;.' rii^iil 



'io ^Icir.l 



88 

mdnters. Later, her statesmen took up the contest in favor of 
Yermontj and stayed the hands of the speculators. Her his- 
torians have faithfully recorded the heroism of the Green 
Mountain Boys. There is no enmity between the two peoples, 
no jealousy between the two States. Nowhere have the false 
charges of the speculators of 1770, and the calumnies of a few 
of their descendants a century later, been visited with severer 
condemnation than among the intelligent historians, the dis- 
tinguished statesmen, and the honest people of that great State, 
upon whose soil you have met to-day. 

Fellow Citizens, Friends, Brother Yermonters ! my work, 
here, is done. Would that it were better done ; but, such as 
it is, I lay it on the altar of our history. It has, indeed, been 
a pleasant task for me. A Yermonter never knows how well 
he loves the Mountain State, until he has wandered beyond her 
borders, and lived among other surroundings. Then, every 
acre of her rugged soil, every leaf of her history, becomes dear 
to him. Then, he is as prompt in her defense against all 
assailants, as any true-hearted son to defend a beloved mother. 
I could not be otherwise than loyal to her ! In the shadow 
of yonder mountains, four generations of my family have 
lived. There my children were born, and there I hope to 
rest, when the toils of this life are closed forever. Glorious 
Yermont ! with thy life-giving air, thy grand old moun- 
tains, fertile vaUeys, laughing brooks, and lakes of silver ! 
There is no fact of thy history which is not precious in the 
hearts of they children, — no blot on thy fair fame for them to 
remove ! Grander and more glorious than the wealth of 
Croesus, or the power of the Caesars, is the heritage of thy 
people ! What shall outvalue it ? for what earthly treasure 
shall it be exchanged ? Which of its elements shall be parted 
with, or cast aside ? Behold, Yermonters, the wealth ol your 



possessions ! Tlie example and influence of tliosc early pioneers ; 
a long line of honored statesmen, unbroken from the days of 
the " Grand Committee " to the present hour ; the memories 
of Ticonderoga, Hubbardton and Bennington ; your soldiers, 
first at every call, in the front on every field ; rolling back the 
tide of invasion at Saratoga and Plattsbnrgh, — charging the 
heights of Chepultepec, unlocking the gates of victory at 
Gettysburg, gaining a lost battle at Cedar Creek, and aiding in 
the final crush of Rebelhon on the banks of the Appomattox ; 
your judiciary, never tarnished by the breath of suspicion ; 
your legislature, incorruptible for an hundred years ; yoiu* 
municipal organizations, town, city and county, never yet dis- 
honored by a " ring ; " your colleges and common schools, free 
to all, of every class, condition or color; yom* churches in 
every hamlet ; your benevolent institutions, covering the poor 
at home, and stretching forth their protecting arms to the 
farthest islands of the sea; your thousand homes of comfort 
and plenty, cheered by afiection and warmed by love ; a pru- 
dent, plain and vigorous race of men ; well trained, happy 
children ; glorious, true hearted women. A better government, 
a happier people, will be sought in vain, within the limits of 
enlightened civihzation. Such, Yermonters, is your inheri- 
tance, earned by the sacrifices and the blood of the men we 
honor to-day. For it all, — for her past history and present 
example ; for all that Vermont has been, and is, and promises 
to be, you are largely their debtors. Teach, then, your chil- 
dren to keep their memories always green; and from the 
depths of the reverent, grateful hearts of every son and 
daughter of the State we love, let my closing prayer ascend 
to Heaven : " Vermont ! God bless her ! God bless her ! " 



1,1 _:\',:'\ .M 



•l-'/.u; 



i-5 r 



iPPENDIX 



f (? - ii 



APPENDIX. 



NUMBER I. Page 14. 

The reference, ia the text, to Moatcalm's exertions for the protection of the 
English, after the surrender of Fort William Henry, seems to be sustained by a 
fair balance of cotemporary evidence ; and is confirmed by what is learned from other 
sources, of the character of the French commander. But it cannoc be denied, that 
a portion of the evidence bears heavily against Montcalm, and indicates that he 
made little exertion to prevent the butchery. A specimen of this description of 
proof may be found in the graphic account of the massacre given by Captain 
Carver, who was one of the few inmates of the fort who were fortunate enough to 
escape. He says : "That in consideration of the gallant defense the garrison had 
made, they were permitted to march out with all the honors of war; to be allowed 
covered wagons to transport their baggage to Fort Edward, and a guard to pro- 
tect them from the fury of the savages." But he declares, that although sutfcred 
to retain their arms, they were deprived of every round of ammunition, and when 
the prisoners were drawn out, they fouud the column completely surrounded by 
the savages. They began by stripping the prisoners of their clothing, and 
slaughtering the sick and wounded. The war whoop was finally given, and the 
Indians began to murder those nearest to them, without distinction. Men, women 
and children were despatched in the most wanton and cruel manner, and immedi- 
ately scalped. Many of the savages drank the blood of their victims, as it flowed 
from their wounds. 

" We now," he continues, " perceived, though too late to avail us, that we 
were to expect no relief from the French ; and that, contrary to the agreement 
they had so lately signed, to allow us a sufficient force to protect us from these 
insults, they tacitly permitted them, for I could plainly perceive the French officers 
walking about at some distance, discussing together, with apparent unconcern. 
For the honor of human nature, I would hope that this flagrant breach of every 
sacred law proceeded rather from the savage disposition of the Indians, which I 
acknowledge it is sometimes almost impossible to control, and which might now, 
unexpectedly, have arrived to a pitch not easily to be restrained, than to any pre- 
meditated design in the French commander. An unprejudiced observer would, 
however, be apt to conclude that a body of ten thousand Christian troops {most 
Christian troops) had it in their power to prevent the massacre from becoming so 
general." After a thrilling account of his own escape to Fort Edward, he concludes : 

" It was computed that 1500 persons were killed or made prisoners by these 
savages during this fatal day. Many of the latter were carried off by them, and 
never returned. A few, through flworable accidents, found their way back to their 
native country, after having experienced a long and painful captivity."— Ca^-rer's 
Travels in Amei-ica, Ed. 1778, pp. 316 to 325. 



9^ - 13 



94: 

— An evidence of the existence of the war between the two great Indian 
nations, to which reference is made in the text, at the discovery of Canada, mav, 
perhaps, be found in the following extract from the relation of Cartler's second 
voyage. It was upon this voyage, in the year 1535, that he ascended tlie 8t. 
Lawrence to Hochelaga, and gave the name " Mont Royale " to the mountain, at 
the foot of which is the present city of Montreal. From this mountaio, looking 
southward, he was the first white man who beheld the Adirondacks and the Green 
Mountains. After his return, in boats, down the river, to the Island of Orleans, 
where his ships had been left, the " Lord ol the Country " came to him, and 
desired him, the next day, " to come and see Canada, which he promised to doe." 

"The next day, being the 13th of the month (October, 1535), he, with all his 
gentlemen, and flftie mariners, very well appointed, Avent to visite Dounacona and 
his people, about a league from our ships. The place where they make their abode 
is called Stadacona. When we were about a stone's cast from their ho?.;es, many 
of the inhabitants came to meet us. being all set in a ranke, and (as their custome 
is) the men all on one side, and the women on the other, still dancing and singing, 
without any ceasing ; and, after we had saluted and received one another, our 
Captaine gave them knives, and such other sleight things ; then he caused all the 
women and children to passe along before him, giving each one a ring of Tin, for 
which they gave him hearty thankes ; that done, our Captaine was, by Dounacona 
and Taignoagny, brought to see their houses, which (the qualitie considered) were 
very well provided, and stored with such victuals as the countrey yieldeth, to passe 
away the winter withall. Then they shewed us the skins of five men's heads, 
spread upon boards, as we doe use parchments. Dounacona told us that they 
were »kius of Toudamani, a people dwelling toward the South, who confinuaUy doe 
warre against them. Moreover, they told us that it was two yeares past that those 
Toudamans came to assault them, yea, even into the said river, in an island that 
lyeth over against Sagueniiy, where they had bin the night before, as they were 
going a warfaring in Hoguedo, with 200 persons, men women and children, who 
beeing all asleepe in a fort that they had made, they were assaulted by the said 
Toudamans, who put fire round about the fort, and as they v/ould have come out 
of it. to save themselves, they were all slame, only five excepted, who escaped. 
For which losse they yet sorrowed, shewing with signes that one day they would 
be revenged; that done, we came to our ships agaiue."— £raA;/?<y^'5 Voyages, Vol. 
Iir, p. 223. 



NUMBERS II., III. Page 25. 

Peleg Sunderland was one of the most active and energetic of the early settlers 
of Vermont. John Brown says that he " was an old Indian hunter, acquainted 
with the St. Francois Indians and their language." His associate upon this 
journey was Winthrop Hoyt, who had been many years a captive among the 
Indians ot the Caughuawaga tribe. Through the familiarity of his ifaicies vrlth 
the habits and language of the Indians, Mr. Brown was able to ascertain that the 
latter had already been urged to join the Koyal forces against the people of Boston, 
aud that they had refused to do so. Sunderland and Hoyt remained among them 



95 

several days, and left them well disposed towards the New Englanders, whom they 
promised to join, if they took any part in the contest. The importance, especially 
to the people upon the northern portion of the Grants, of Brown's mission, waa 
very great. The result of open war which they most dreaded, was an invasion of 
the Indians Irom Canada, through the instigation of the British. Their neutrality 
enabled all the settlers on the Winooski River to remove, "with their effects, to the 
south-western portion of the Grants, aud the Indians did not become active par- 
ticipants in the contest until the invasion of Buegoyne, in 1777. 

Sunderland was compensated by the Legislature of Vermont for this service 
in 1787. From his petition, it appears that he was employed in it for twenty-nino 
days, and the committee, to which his petition was referred, reported that the 
service was proved to their satisfaction, and, upon their recommendation, he 
received for it "eight pounds fourteen shillings, in hard money orders." In 
Graham's Sketch of Vermont, p. 134, the following account is given of Sunder- 
land's connection with the name of Onion River: "This river took its name 
from the following circumstance : A Mr. Peleg Sunderland, in 1761, in hunting 
lor beaver on this stream, lost his way, and was nearly exhausted with fatigue and 
hunger, when a party of Indians fortunately met him, and, with great humanity, 
relieved his wants, and saved him from perishing. Their provisions were poor, 
but what they had they freely gave, and their kindness made amends for more 
costly fare. Their whole store consisted of onions, and Mr. Sunderland then gave 
to the stream, near which he Avas so providentially preserved, the name of Onion 
River, which it has ever since retained." 

In resistance to the authority of New York, before the Revolution, Sunder- 
land was one of the active leaders, — the most active, perhaps, after Allen, Warner 
and Baker. Of this, abundant evidence is furnished by the affidavits published in 
the fourth volume of the " Documentary History of New York," p. 8f3-t, et seq. 
One Jacob Marsh, gives a pathetic account of his experiences in Socialborough, in 
the year 1773. He declares that the Bennington mob had " taken otf the roof from 
hig house, split a number of boards, and done him other damage." That he had 
" been informed, and verily believes, that John Smith and Peleg Sunderland (both 
of Socialboro') were the captains or leaders of the mob;" and that " he verily 
believes, that if he should act in his office of Justice of the Peace, iu the said 
county of Charlotte, his effects aud property would be destroyed by said mob, and 
that his life would be in danger." He was furnished with a certificate, dated at 
Arlington, November 20, 1773, in these words: "These may sartify, that Jacob 
Marsh hath been examined and had on fare trial, so that our mob shall not mede.il 
farther with him, as long as he behaves." Benjamin Hough says that Sunderl:'.nd 
waa one of the party who " insisted that he should call together all the peuple of 
Durham, to their judgment seat,— that Allen declared that the day of jucLMurnl 
had come, when every man should be judged according to his works." Sunder- 
land was one of the parties named in the celebrated proclamation, olfering % 
rewanl for the capture of the leaders of the opposition to the New York auiho.'-ine*. 

Suiuhrland ai>[)ear8 to have been a captain of the Green Moujiiun ii":--, 
duriri- the Kt-v»luiioii. In 17^2, a British officer having raised seveiir.HU rt-rruiU 
iu ih'-; tuuiiry (jf Aiij.iny, uudertook to conduct them through Vermoutio CiuaJ*. 



96 5 

\ 

Passing through Arlington, they made prisoners of Lieutenant Blanchard and 
Seargent Ormsbee, whose father, Major Ormsbee, upon learning of his capture, 
and the route which the pai ty had taken, afier sending an express to iuforui Col. 
Ira Allen of the focts, directed Captain Sunderiand^ with a pariy of men, to pur- 
sue ihe enemy. The Captain took his hounds with him, who followed the enemy, 

by their scent, but did not overtake them before they had been captured by a party : 

under Captain Eastman, of Rupert, which had been sent out by Allen, and way- | 

laid them in a mountain pass. The hounds of Captain Sunderland followed the f 

tracks to the very feet of ihe prisoners, thus showing that they were the same | 

party who had been pursued from Arlington. They were brought before the I 

Governor, examined, and committed to Bennington jail, from whence they were | 

sent to Canada, and exchanged for Vermonters, who were prisoners of war. — | 

Allen's Hist. Vt., pp. 230, 231. | 

The following is an extract from H. Hall's " Early Histcyry of Vermont,''^ p. | 

471: "An examination of the records of Manchester, shows Captain Sunderland | 

to have resided in that town until the year 1791 ; to have been the owner of real | 

estate and other property, and to have possessed the confidence of his townsmen. I 

In 1787, he was appointed at the head of a committee of three to draw instructions f 

for the town representatives to the Assembly. On another occasion, he was one f 

of a committee on the subject of the school lands of the town, and his name I 

appears on the records on other important occasions. The date of his removal ! 

from Manchester, or the time and place of his death, has not been ascertained. | 

He was evidently a man of intelligence, as well as of activity and enterprise, and | 

of respectable standing in society." . | 

\ 

It is stated by descendants of one of the families concerned, that Sunder- f 

laud was one of the party who rescued the lost children of Eldad Taylor, in t 

1780, an incident which forms the subject of one of D. P. Thompson's most inter- i 

esting tales. It also exhibits the traits of character which made Ethan Allen so ^ 

popular among his neighbors. The relation is thus given by ZadocR Thompson, | 

in his "Gazetteer of Vermont," in a note to his account of the town of Sctnder- ^• 

land: i 

"On the 3lst of May, 1780, two daughters of Eldad Taylor, of Sunderland, | 

Keziah, aged seven, and Betsey, aged four years, wandered into the woods. Not I 

returning, the parents became alarmed, and commenced a search, which, with the | 

aid of a few neighbors, was continued through the night, without success. The | 

next day the search was continued by large numbers from this and the ueijrhbor- I 

ing towns, until the middle of the afternoon of the third day, when it was re- | 

linquished, and the people who had been out collected together, with the view of | 

returning to their homes. Among these was one who thought the search should | 

not be abandoned, and this was Ethan Allen. He mounted a stump, and soon * 

all eyes were fixed upon him. In his laconic manner, he pointed to the fluher and | 

mother of the lost children, now petrified with grief and despair, bade each indi- | 

vidual present, and especially those who were parents, to make the case of these | 

parents his own, and then say whether they could go contentedly to their homes, f 

without making one further eflort to save these dear little ones, who were probably y 



I 



97 

now alive, but perishing with hunger, and spending their last strength in crying 
to father and mother to give them something to eat. As he spoke, his giant form 
was agitated, and the tears rolled down his eheeks, and, in the assembly of several 
hundred men, but few eyes were dry. "I'll go! I'll go!" was at length heard 
from every part of the crowd. They betook themselves to the woods, and before 
night the lost children were restored in safety to the arms of their distracted 
parents. It appeared that the first night they laid down at the foot of a large tree, 
and the second they spent upon a large rock. They obtained plenty of drink from 
the stream, but were very weak for want of food. They, however, both survived, 
and Betsey, the younger, is now (July, lS-42) the wife of Captain John Muuson, of 
Williston. The elder was the wife of John Jones, and died some years ago, in 
WillLston." 



.NUMBER IV. Page 25. 

The letter of John Brown to the Committee of Correspondence in Boston. 

Montreal, March :29, 1775. 
Gentlemen: — Immediately after the reception of your letters and pamphlets, 1 
went to Albany, to find the state of the lakes, and established a correspondence 
with Dr. Joseph Young. I found the lakes impassable at that time. About a fort- 
night after, I set out for Canada, and arrived at St. Johns in fourteen days, having 
undergone almost inconceivable hardships, — the Lake Champlain being very high, 
the small streams and rivers, and great part of the country, for twenty miles each 
side of the lake, especially towards Cajiac^a, under water. The Lake Champlain 
was partly open, and partly covered with dangerous ice, which, breaking loose for 
miles in length, our crafts drove us against an island, and froze us in for two days, 
after which we were glad to foot it on land. 

I delivered your letters to Messrs. Thomas Walker and Blake, and was very 
kindly received by the Committee of Correspondence at Montreal, from whom I 
received the following state of afiliirs in the Province of Queheck. Governor Carle- 
ton is no great politician; a man of sour, morose temper; a strong friend to 
Administration, and the late Acts of the British Parliament, which respect America^ 
particularly the Queheck Bill; has restrained the liberty of the press, that nothing 
can be printed without examination and license. Application has been made to 
him for printing the address from the Continental Congress, and a refusal obtained. 
All the troops in this Province arc ordered to hold themselves in readiness for 
Boston at the shortest notice. Four or five hundred snow-shoes are prepared, for 
what use they know not. ]\[r. Walker has wrote you, about three weeks since, 
and has been very explicit. He informs you that two regular oflo-cers (lieutenants) 
have gone off in disguise, supposed to be gone to Boston, and to make what dis- 
covery they can through the couutry. 

I have the plet\sure and satisfaction to inform you that, through the industry 
and exertions of our friends in Canada, our enemies are not, at present, able to 
raise ten men for Administration. The weapons that have been used by our friends 
to thwart the constant endeavors of the friends of Government (so-ciilic-d), have 

7 



H i-ivMo 



'iiV 



'»i; ,'■ .' r -V 



98 

been chiefly in terrorem. The French people are (as a body) extremely ignonint \ 

and bigoted, the curates or priests having almost the entire government of their i 

temporal, as well as spiritual affairs. In La Praine, a small village, about nine ' 

miles from 'Montreal, I gave my landlord a letter of address, and tjere being t 

four Cures in the village, praying over the dead body of an old friar, the pamphlet i 

was soon handed to them, vrho sent a messenger to purchase several of them. I | 

made them a present of each of them one, and was desired to wait on them in the f 

Nunnery, with the holy sisters. They appeared to have no disposition unfriendly i 

toward the Colonies, but chose rather to stand neuter. I 

Two men from the New Hampshire Grants accompanied me over the Lakes. |' 

The one was an old Indian hunter, acquainted with the SSt. Francis'' Indians and | 

their language ; the other Avas a captive man}' years among the Canhnaicaga I 

Indians^ which is the principal of all the Canadian Six Nations, and western | 

tribes of Indians, whom I sent to enquire and search out any intrigues carrying on % 

among them. These men have this minute leturncd, and report that they were | 

Teiy kindly received by the Cacjhnawaga Indians^ with whom they tarried several t 

days. The Indians say they have been repeatedly applied to, and requested to | 

oin with the King's Troops to tight Boston, but have peremptorily relused, and I 

still intend to refuse. They are a very simple, politick people, and say that if they | 

are obliged, for their own safety, to take up arras on either side, that they shall I 

take part on the side of their brethren, the English in New England^ — all the chiefs | 

of the Cacjhnawaga tribe being of English extraction, captivated in their infancy. | 

They have wrote a friendly letter to Colonel Israel Putnam, of Pom/ret, in Cart- | 

nectictd, in consequence of a letter which Colonel Puttunn sent them, in which I 

letter they give their brother Putnam assurance of their peaceable disposition. | 

Several French gentlemen of Montreal hav:e paid the Governour a visit, and ofiered | 

him their services, as otBcers, to raise a Canadian Army, and join the King's f 

Troops. The Governour told them he could get officers in plenty, buL the diffi- I 

culty consisted in raising soldiers. I 

There is no prospect of Canada sending delegates to the Continental Congress. . | 

The difficulty consists in this : Should the English join in the Non-Importation I 

Agreement, the French would immediately monopolize the Indian trade. The | 

French in Canada are a set of people who know no other way of procuring wealth I 

and honour, but by becoming Court sycophants ; and, as the introduction of the | 

French laws will make room for the French gentry, they are very thick about f 

the Governor. You may depend that, should any movement be made among the | 

French to join against the Colonies, your friends here will give the shortest notice | 

possible ; and the Indians, on their part, have engaged to do the same, so that you | 
have no occasion to expect to be surprised without notice, should the worst event 
take place. 

I have established a channel of correspondance through the New Hampshire 
Grants, which may be depended on. Mr. Walker's letter comes by the hand of 
Mr. Jeffiers, once of Boston, now on his way thither, which, together with this, is 
a full account of affairs here. I shall tarry here some time, but shall not go to 
Quebeck^ as there are a number of their Committee here. 

One thing I must mention, to be kept a profound secret. The Fort at Ticon- 



■ ^'uh &ii; -."J , 



99 

deroga must be seized as soon as possible, should hostilities be committed by the 
Kinfi;'8 Iroops. The people on New Hampshire Grants have engaged to do thla 
business, and, in my opinion, they are the most proper persons for this job. This 
will effectually curb this Province, and all the troops that may be sent here. 

As the messenger to carry this letter has been waiting some time, with impa- 
tience, I must conclude, by subscribing myself, gentlemen, your most obedient, 
humble servant, 

JOHN BEOWN. 

To Mr. Samuel Adams, > ^^^^^^^^ of Correspondance in Boston. 
Dr. J Warren, S 

I am this minute informed that Mr. Carleton has ordered that no wheat go 

out of the river, until further orders ; the design is obvious. 



NUMBER V. Page 28. 
A Vindication of the Opposition of the Inhabitants of Vermont to the Govern- 
ment of New York, and of their Right to form into an Independant State. 
Humbly submitted to the Consideration of the impartial World. By Ethan 
Allen. Printed by Alden Spooner, 1779: Printer to the State of Vermont. 
The following extract from this pamphlet precedes the portion of it which is 
cited in the text, commencing on the ninth page : 

"The approaching rupture between Great Britain and the Colonies visa 
matter of serious reflection to the inhabitants of this frontier; their controversy 
with New York having (at great expense) been previously submitted to the King 
and Privy Council, by the negotiation of special agents, at two difierent times, and 
was in a high probability of being determined in their favor, which influenced 
gome of the inhabitants to take a part with Great Britain; the more so, as this 
part of the country was a frontier, and, of consequence, would be greatly under 
the enemy's power, who was then in possession of Ticonderoga^ Croum Point and 
St. Johns, and commanded the Lake with a vessel of forr'e, besides. At the same 
time, their settlements were extended on the east side of the Lake, almost to the 
Province of Quebec. This was their situation when on the very eve of a war with 
Great Britain. 

The Battle of Lexington almost distracted them, for interest inclined them to 
favor the royal side of the dispute; but the stronger impulses of aflfection to their 
country excited them to resent its wrongs, and obtain satisfaction for the blood of 
their massacred countrymen. Their condition was truly perplexed and critical ; 
their hopes were placed on the royal authority for their deliverance from the en- 
croachments and oppressions of the Government of New York; but the ties of 
consanguinity, personal acquaintance and friendship, similarity of religion and 
manners to the New j^«y/a?jrf Governments, from whom these inhabitants had most 
generally emigrated, weighed very heavy in their deliberations ; besides, the cause 
of the country was generally believed to be just, and that resistance to Great 
Britain had become the indespensable duty of a free people. But there was one 
very knotty query, which exercised the minds of their best politicians, viz. : Pro- 



r ts . •■■■) 



'. ;o -y^ 'f 



100 

vided they should take an active part -with their country ; and, furthermore, pro- 
vided an accommodation should take place, and the Colonies return to their former 
allegiance, what would then become of them, or their remonstrances ag-ainat the 
Government of New York, lodged at the Court of Great Britainf But this danger 
seems to have been luckily passed over. 

Soon after the news of the Lexington Battle, the principal oflScers of the Green 
Mountain Boys, and other principal inhabitants, were convened at Bennington^ 
and attempted to explore futurity, but it was found to be unfathomable ; and the 
scenes which have since taken place, then appeared to be precarious and uncertain. 
However, it was imagined that, provided those inhabitants Avere loyal to their 
country, and the event of the war should prove favorable to America, and their 
struggles for liberty should bring about a revolution, instead of a rebellion ; that, 
in this case, they should rid themselves of the grievous usurpation of the Govern- 
ment of Neio York, and be entitled and readily admitted to any privileges which 
could reasonably be expected on revolution principles, which undoubtedly will be 
the consequence (for it can hardly be doubted, that, provided the said inhabitants 
had exercised the same degree of loyalty to the King that they have to the country, 
they might have shared as great privileges from the royal favor as they now re- 
quest of Congress, viz. : Provided the event of the war had proved as] successful 
to Britain as it has to America.) And as every of the Colonies and plantations 
were then taking arms for the mutual security of their liberty, and it was equally 
just and incumbent on the inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants to do the 
same ; it was therefore resolved to take an active part with the country, and 
thereby annihilate the old quarrel with the Government of New York, by swallow- 
ing it up in the general conflict for liberty ; at that time not apprehending the least 
danger (on the proviso of a revolution's taking place) that Congress would resolve 
them to belong to the Government of New York, or in any manner countenance 
their being deprived of their liberty, by subjecting them under the power of a 
government which they detest more than that of the British, Tr^hich they have 
manfully assisted the United States to suppress." 



NUMBER VI. Page 29. 

Col. Samukl H. Parsons to Joseph Trumbcll. 

New London, 2d June, 1775. 

Dear Sir: — A small sketch of my history since I saw you at Oxford may give 
yon some satisfaction, :md open a little the state of mind some gentlemen have 
been in the whole of last moon. 

When I left you, 1 proceeded to Hartford, where I arrived Thursday forenoon 
[April 27]. You remember I remarked to yon, I was concerned for the defenseless 
state (as I supposed) of our cump, and the want of heavy cannon, to efiect any- 
thing against the town. On my way to Hartford, I fell in with Capt. Arnold, who 
gave me an account of the state of Ticouderoga, and that a great number or brass 
cannon were there. On my arrival at Hartford, Col. Sam. Wyllys, Mr. Deane and 
myself first undertook and projected taking that fort, etc. ; and, with the assifit- 



i 



^ 101 

ance of three other persons, procured money, men, etc., nnd s«'nt out on «ht* 
expedition, without Any consultation with Assembly, or oUkts. Jui/, | ,,^, ti\.,m 
only for this reason, thut 'tis matter of diversion to mc to sec tlnj VAri..-.;* ,,--». 
petitors for the honor of concerting and carrying this nuittor into i\, , m.-.a . ^^ 
tending so strenuously about a matter, in the execution of which ail «.>nr, f^;,4 
justly deserve applause. But some cannot bear an equal, uud none a «ut.rrii)f ^» j 
all make representations at the expense of truth, to nionoftolize wli.a .mi "lit ut t^ 
divided ; but more ol this another time. I waited at Hartford till Satuf-iiv - - { 
my beating orders, and went home. The next week my company \vil< uUr,i -^tsi 
I had orders to march to Boston, and the week following began our mai. h. %i.t -; 
to my surprise, the Sunday following, heard the Commissary hail ^t<,|| ,4 iu^ 
companies at Norwich. The same day I sent to Hartford a mcnioraiuium in- ■.>■.. ?, 
ing the state of the case. My messenger returned Thursday ; ntiiliin;: «!..ik' l ?,« 
same day I went up myself, and could get no answer till Saturday no<»n. w \.< n mr 
orders to march were countermanded, and my regiment ordered t..n k i.« N.w 
London till further orders, where I now am, as much chagrined a-s anv iMr?.-;ri ., „.| 
be; but this is a pleasure to my good friends, who feel a hearty ^.•^!i,f^,!;.,r, «« 
mortifying me. The renowned Col. W., the ambassador, is the tii>i on the is»! rf 
my friends. He, on Saturday, mov'd that the further consideniticn u\ tt.r a*>u 
nation of the troops might be further laid over (to bed, I supposi-) l<.r r..r;»i.;er. 
ation. This great man is the same unchanged person who, I believe, wiuiNJ. f i^itj 
now, gladly batfle all overtures for our salvation. 

I am now destined to this state of imprisonment, from wlienoe I rh.Ui T>rx*^ 
be delivered without your help, and the assistance of Generals .*^p.n-rr »& j 
Putnam. If proper representations of the necessity of more men ai 1'».>-n.u, %»» 
made to the Governor by my friends in camp, I am certain he will «>rt!rr lai ?• :■- 
ment to Boston, immediately after the Assembly rises, which, I titlJ>i>«.^r, «»* ,s.*i 
night, or will be this day. I beg you will use your interest to deliver one fr^tui-^j* 
evil state as soon as possible. 

What's become of our friend, Jemmy Lovell ? What i:< the rotidUioa "f ;'«« 
inhabitants of Boston ? Are they suficred to come out? The rireuiii^Uf; ■<» -f 
onr army, and the intended operations of our forces ? are question-* I wa.nl {♦> 5 ♦•'« 
answered. If I am to remain on the clam banks, I hope you udJ uke 1J^« IJ^ 
opportunity to write me, and give as particular inforniaiion as pus»i.'»>. 

I am, Sir, 
To Capt. Joseph Trumbull, ) Your Frien-J. 

In Cambridge. > S. i'Alt.S«»Nf» 



NUMBER ril. Page 30. 
The claim that Samuel Adams and John Hancock were a.: l\%s%i'r\. ts .1 ,- 
to the arrangement by Colonel Parsons and his a.^sueiate.<*, to •« jjJ 5fc«- «»»*»"-t r 
to the New Hampshire Grants, there to raise men for fiie 'Vj"- J - - * v* ^ 
deroga, rests wholly upon an extract from a loiter p-.' -l^-; '* ' ' * 
p. 507, as au '' Extract iVum a letter from a geiuleioau ;;• l'a;?;>i i • ' 



102 

Cambridge, May 4, 1775," in whiicli it is said that " the plan was concerted at 
Hartford last Saturday, by the Governor and Council; Colonel Hancock, and Mr. 
Adams and others from our Province being present." Mr. J. Hammokd Trum- 
bull, in his concise and excellent paper on the " Origin of the Expedition against 
Ticonderoga," has clearly shown the error of this statement, and that Mr. 13ancroft 
was misled by it. Saturday was the twenty-ninth of April, and on that day, accord- 
ing to Mr. Wells, the biographer^'of Mr. Adams, the latter, in company with Mr. 
Hancock, arrived at Hartford, having been at Worcester, on the 27th, as we have 
already seen. But the expedition originated at Hartford on the 27th. This is 
shown by the letter from Parsons to Trumbull of June 2, and the receipts for 
the money draicn from the treasury of Connecticut are dated on the 2Sth, before 
the arrival of Messrs. Hancock and Adams. Mott says, in his journal, that he 
arrived at Hartford on the 28th, and that Deane and Parsons wished he "had 
arrived one day sooner; that they had been on such a plan, and had sent off 
Messrs. Noah Phelps and Bernard Romans, who they had supplied with £300 cash 
from the Treasury," etc. ; and the journal continues, " Saturday, the 29th April, 
in the afternoon, we set out on said expedition." It is, therefore, certain that the 
writer of the Pittsfield letter was in error, and that Adams and Hancock could 
have had nothing to do with the origin of the expedition, as they did not reach 
Hartford until two days after the plan was laid, and one day afler Phelps and 
Romans had departed. 

This is not the only error which has arisen from these Pittsfield letters, and 
their incomplete publication by Mr. Force. They were, in fact, written by the 
Rev. Thomas Allen, to General Seth Pomroy, who was then with the army at 
Cambridge. It is not difficult, now that the authorship of these letters is known, 
to understand how Mr. Allen fell into his mistake, for such it was, beyond question. 
Noah Phelps and Romans, who left Hartford with the money, went to Bennington 
direct. If they passed through Pittsfield, they do not appear to have made any stay 
there, or to have communicated their mission to any one previous to their arrival 
on the Grants. Mott and his party left Hartford on Saturday, in the afternoon, and 
did not reach Pittsfield until the evening of Monday, May 1st. They went direct 
to Colonel Easton's, with whom they passed the night. Mr. Allen was chairman 
of the Pittsfield Committee of Safety, and would probably have been consulted by 
Mott and his party. They left Hartford after Adams and Hancock arrived there, 
and might naturally have spoken of their arrival in connection with their own expe- 
dition. The fact that Phelps and Romans had preceded them by a day, was 
probably not explained, and thus Mr. Allen was left to infer that the expedition 
was organized on Saturday, instead of on Thursday. Mott states that he overtook 
those who had gone forward, afler he reached Benniugton, except Noah Phelps 
and a Mr. Hitchcock, who were gone to reconnoiter the fort. 

The authorship of the two Pittsfield letters, which are published in a mutilated 
form in the "Archives," was first determined by Ih-. Field, in his History of Pitts- 
field, jpublished in 1844. Both these letters are given in the Appendix to that 
History. See also No. XIX. of this Appendix. 



>-lC. .ff-li'.'M 'M 



103 

NUMBER rilL Page 33. 

The journal, of Captain Mott contains so clear an account of his part in the 
expedition against Ticonderoga, that I think it should be given here, notwith- 
standing its length. I follow the copy in the first volume of the Connecticut 
Historical Society's Collections. 

" Preston', Friday, 28th April, 1775.— Set out for Hartford, where I arrived 
the same day. Saw Christopher Leffingwell, Esq., who enquired of me about the 
situation of the people of Boston. When 1 had given him an account, he asked 
me how they could be relieved, and where I thought we could get artillery and 
stores. I told him I knew not,^except we went and took possession of Ticonder- 
oga and Crown Point, which I thought might be done by surprise, with a small 
number of men. Mr. Leffingwell left me, and in a short time came to me again, 
and brought with him Samuel H. Parsous and Silas Deane, Esqs,, when he asked 
me if I would undertake in such an expedition as we had talked of before. I told 
him I would. They told me they wished I had been there one day sooner; that 
they had been on such a plan, and that they had sent off Messrs. Noah Phelps and 
Bernard Romans, who they had supplied with £300, in cash, from the Treasury, 
and ordered them to draw for more if they should need ; that said Phelps and 
Romans were gone by the way of Salisbury, w^here they would make a stop ; that 
they expected a small number of men would join Ihem, and if I would go after 
them, they would give me an order or letter to them, to join with them, and to 
have my voice with them in conductiug the affair and laying out the money ; and 
also, that I might take five or six men with me. On which, I took with me Mr. 
Jeremiah Halscy, Mr. Epaphras Bull, Mr. Wm. Nichols, Mr. Elijah Babcock, and 
Johu Bigelow joined me; and Saturday, the 29th April, in the afternoon, we set 
out on said expedition. That night arrived at Smith's, in New Hartford ; stayed 
that night. The next day, being Sunday, the 30tb April, on our way to Salisi>ury, 
Mr. Babcock tired his horse ; we got another horse of Esq. Humphrey, in Norfolk, 
and that day arrived at Salisbury, — tarried all night ; and the next day, having 
augmented our company to the number of sixteen in the whole, we concluded it 
was not best to add auy more, as we meant to keep our business a secret, uud i ide 
through the country unarmed till we came to the new settlements on the Grants. 
We arrived at Mr. Dewey's, in Sheffield, and there we sent off Mr. Jer. Huliscy nud 
Capt. John Stephens, to go to Albany, in order to discover the temper of tbc 
people in that place, and to return and inform us as soon as possible. 

' That night we arrived at Col. Easton's, in Pittsfield, where we fell in com puny 
with John Brown, Esq., who had been at Canada and Ticouderoga, ab(>ut a inonib 
before, on which we concluded to make known our business to Col. Ea>t()n aa.i 
said Brown, and to take their advice on the same. I was advised by Mc-i»rs. 
Deane, Leffingwell and Parsons, at Hartford, not to raise our men till we » itjiv to 
the N. Hampshire Grants, lest we should be discovered by having too lon^- :i lu u-. \\ 
tlirouL^h the country; but M^heu we advised with said Easiou and Brown, U;cy 
advisud us ihat, as there was a great scarcity of provisions in the Grants, and a* 
the people were generally poor, it would be difficult to get a sullicitiit h u-i.' • r .*? 
mt-u there ; therefore, we had better raise a number of men sooner. ^^iU i^usi a 



104 : 

and Brown concluded to go with us, and Easton said he would assist me in raising 
some men in his regiment. Wc then concluded for me to go with Col. Easton to 
Jericho and Williamstown, to raise men, and the rest of us to go forward to 
Bennington, and see if they could purchase provisions there. We raised 24 men 
ill Jericho, and 15 in Williamstown, and got them equipped, ready to march. Then 
Col. Easton and I set out for Bennington. That evening, we met with an express 
from oar people, informiug us that^ they had seen a man directly from Ticouderoga, 
and that he informed them that they were reinforced at Ticouderoga, and were 
repairing the garrison, and were every way on their guard ; therefore, it was best 
for us to dismiss the men we had raised, and proceed no further, as we should not 
succeed. I asked who the man was, where he belonged, and where he was going, 
-but could get no account ; on which I ordered that the men should not be dis- 
missed, but that we would proceed. > \ 

The next day I arrived at Bennington ; there, overtook our people, —all but \ 

Noah Phelps and Mr. Heacock, who were gone forward to reconuoiter the fort, f 

and Mr. Halsey and Mr. Stephens had not gOt back from Albany. I inquired why 
they sent back to me to dismiss the expedition, when neither our men from Albany, ■' 

nor the reconnoitering party had returned ? They said that they did not think f 

that we should succeed. I told them that fellow they saw knew nothing about 
the garrison ; that I had seen him since, and had examined hiru strictly, and that 
he was a lying fellow, and had not been at the fort. I told them, with the two 
hundred men that we proposed to raise, I was not afraid to go round the fort in ^ 

open light ; if it was reinforced with five hundred men, they would not follow us 'I 

out into the woods ; that the accounts we had would not do to go back with, and ; 

tell in Hartford. While on this discourse, Mr. Halsey and Stephens came back |. 

from Albany, and both agreed with me, that it was best to go forward ; after which, I 

Mr. Halsey and Mr. Bull both declared that they would go back lor no story, 'till ^ 

they had seen the fort for themselves. On which it was concluded that we would 
proceed; and, as provisions were very scarce on the Grants, we sent Capt. Stephens 
and Mr. Hewitt to Albany, New City, to purchase provisions, and send to us as 
soon as they could ; and Mr. Romans left us, and joined no more. We were all 
glad, as he had been a trouble to us all the time he was with us. | 

Then we proceeded to raise men as fast as possible, and sent forward men on f 

whom we could depend, to waylay the roads that lead from those places we were I 

raising men in, to Fort Edward, Lake George, Skenesborough, Ticouderoga or f 

Crown Point, with orders to take up all those who were passing from either of these 
garrisons, and send to us to be examined ; and that all who were passing towards \ 

these garrisons, from us, should be stopped, so that no intelligence should go from i 

us to the garrisons ; and, on Sunday night, the seventh of May, we all arrived at 
Cassel Town (Castleton), the place where we had appointed for the men all to \ 

meet ; and on Monday, the 8th of May, the Committee all got together, to conclude | 

in what method we would proceed, in order to accomplish our design, of which 1 

Committee I was chairman. 1 

And, after debating on the different methods to proceed, and in Avhat manner \ 

to retreat, in case of a repulse, we resolved and voted, that we would proceed in 
the following'- manner, viz. : That a party of thirty men, under the command ot ' 



105 

Capt. Herrick, should, the next day, ia the afternoon, take into cnstoily M:ijnr 
Skene and his party, and boats ; and that the rest of the men, which con^l.-ti-d of 
about 140, should go through Shoreham to the lake, opposite to Ticonderoi;;i ; and 
that a part of the men that went to Skenesborough should, in the nij^ht juUow- 
ing, go down the lake, by Ticonderoga, in the boats, to Shoreham, iu ortlcr lo 
carry men across the lake to Ticonderoga. We also sent Capt. Douglass to go tci 
Crown Point, and see if he could not agree with his brother-in-l:iw, wlio lived 
there, to hire the king's boats, on some stratagem, and send up the lake from th.ro, 
to assist in carrying over our men. It was further agreed that Col. Ethan Aii« a 
should have the command of the party that should go against Ticonderoga, agree- 
able to my promise made to the men when I engaged them to go, that they fehould 
be commanded by their own officers. 

In the evening, after the party that was to go to Skenesborough was drafted 
out, and Col. Allen was gone to Mr. WesselPs, in Shoreham, to meet some men 
who were to come in there, having received his orders, at what time he must be 
ready, and must take possession of the garrison of Ticonderoga, — the whole plan 
being settled by a vote of the Committee. 

In the evening. Col. Arnold came to us, with his orders, and demanded the 
command of our people, as he said we had no proper orders. Wc told him wo 
could not surrender the command to him, as our people were raised on condition 
that they should be commanded by their own officers. He persisted in his de- 
mand, and the next morning he proceeded forward to overtake Col. Allen. 1 \\:iA 
then with the party that was going to Skenesborough, a mile and a half di.staiuc 
from the other party. When Col. Arnold went after Col. Allen, the whole party 
followed him, for fear he should prevail on Col. Allen to resign the command, and 
left all the provisions, so that I, with Capt. Phelps and Babcock, was obliir^d to 
leave the party that I was with, and go with the pack-horses with the provisions, 
and could not overtake them till the first division had crossed the lake. Wo 
followed them, as soon as the boats got back, and when wc got over, they w. re in 
possession of the fort. We entered the fort immediately, and soon got the K'^:'j. 
lar troops under guard, and their arms all in our possession. This was dune on 
Wednesday, the 10th of May. After which, Col. Arnold challenged the conim.Tiiid 
again, and insisted that he had a right to have it; on which, our aold'u-rn u-uia 
paraded, and declared that they would go right home, for they would u(;i be c<'m- 
manded by Arnold. We told them they should not, and at length pacilUd il»< m ; 
and iben reasoned with Arnold, and told him, as he had not raised any mm, A# 
could not expect to have the commajid of ours. He still insisted that, a^ we had Ji>j 
legal orders to show, he had a right to take the command. On wuieh I wruU: CV>1. 
Allen his orders, as followoth, viz.: 

To Col Ethan Allen:— 

Sm^—lVhereas, agreeable to the Power and Authority to us j;iv«n »t 5',-r 
CoLONV OF Connecticut, we have appointed you to take lheconinian.i "I ■» f-^"-/ 
of men, and reduce and take possession of the garrison of TiconfJ< ro:,-u ^riJ :i* 
dependencies. And, as you are now in possession of the bamc, you *tv L n'y 

8 



106 

directed to keep the command of said garrison, for the use of the American 
Colonies, till you have further orders from the Colony of Connecticut, or from the 
Continental Congress. 

Signed per order of the Committee, 

EDWARD MOTT, Chairman of Committee.'''' 
Ticonderoga, May 10th, 1775. 



NUMBER IX. Page 33. 

The Rev. Thomas Allen was one of the most active patriots in Western Massa- 
chusetts. He was a native of Northampton, and the first minister settled in Pitts- 
field. On the 30th of June, 1774, he was made Chairman of a Standing Committee 
of Safety and Correspondence for the town, in which position his correspondence 
exhibits great vigilance and zeal in the Revolutionary cause. He was active in 
jwomoting the expedition against Ticonderoga, and the next year he acted as 
chaplain in the army, at White Plains, under Washington, and afterwards officiated 
in the same capacity at Ticonderoga. In August, 1777, he vveut with a volunteer 
company of militia from Pittsfield to Bennington, and took an active part in the 
battle that ensued. "Reporting himself to General Stark, he was forthwith ap- 
pointed chaplain, and there are those who yet express their belief in the efficacy of 
n prayer before the army, on the morning of the action, which ascended from the 
fervent lips of Mr. Allen. Among the reinforcements from Berkshire County, says 
Edward Everett, in his Life of Stark, came a clergyman, with a portion of his 
flock, resolved to make bare the arm of flesh against the enemies of his country. 
Before daylight, on the morning of the 16th, he addressed the Commander as 
follows : ' We, the people of Berkshire, have frequently been called upon to fight, 
but have never been led against the enemy. We have now resolved, if you will | 

not let us fight, never to turn out again.' General Stark asked him 'if he wished I 

to march then, when it was dark and raining V * 'No,' was the answer. 'Then,' -^ 

continued Stark, ' if the Lord should once more give us sunshine, and I do not } 

give you fighting enough, I will never ask you to come again ! ' The weather | 

cleared up in the course of the day, and the men of Berkshire followed their | 

spiritual guide into action. I 

Before the attack was commenced, being posted opposite to that wing of the I 

enemy which was principally composed of refugees, who had joined the invaders, I 

Mr. Allen advanced in front of our militia, and in a voice distinctly heard by them, | 



exhorted the enemy to lay down their arms, assuring them of good quarters, and I 

warning them of the consequences of refusal. Having performed what he con- I 

sidered a religious duty, and being fired upon, he resumed his place in the ranks, | 

and, when the signal was given, was among the foremost in attacking the enemy. f 

There is a tradition that Mr. Allen was recognized by some of these refugees ; I 

for there were a very few men of this description from Pittsfield and other parts I 

of Berkshire, and thai they said: ''There is Parson Allen; let us pop him!'^ | 

There is also a tradition, that when he Avas fired upon, and the bullets of the | 

pnemy where whistling, about him, he jumped down from the rock or stump on t 



107 

which he had stood, and cried out : " Now, boys, let us give it to them ! " and 
immediately said to his brother Joseph, by his side : " You load, and I will tire ! " 
Being asked whether he killed a man, he replied: "He did not know; but that 
observing a flash often repeated in a bush near by, which seemed to be succeeded 
each time by a fall of some of our men, he levelled his musket, and firing in that 
direction, he put out that flash! " 

Dr. Field, from whose sketch of Pittsfleld the foregoing is extracted, says that 
Mr. Allen continued in the ministry until his death, which took place on the 11th 
of February, 1810, at the age of sixty-seven years. 

He had twelve children, nine-sons and three daughters. One of his sons, Eev. 
William Allen, D. i)., succeeded his father in the ministry at Pittsfleld, and was 
the author of Allen's Biographical Dictionary. Another son, Solomon Mctcalf 
Allen, a graduate of Middlebury in 1813, studied Theology, but was appointed 
Professor of the Ancient Languages, at Middlebury, in 1816, and lost his life by an 
accident in the following year. 



NUMBER X. Page 37. 

Major Gershom Beach, of Rutland, Vermont, was one of the most earnest and 
energetic of the Green Mountain Boys. After the arrival of the expedition at 
Shoreham, Captaiu Noah Phelps, of Simsbury, Conn., who had been sent forward 
to reconnoitre the fort, joined the party, and reported that the fort was in a com- 
paratively defenseless condition, — the men not being. on their guard, and their 
ammunition damaged. Allen immediately dispatched Major Beach to collect men, 
and direct them to join the expedition at Hand's Point. Goodhue, in his " History 
Of Shoreham," p. 13, says : " Beach went on foot to Rutland, Pittsford, Brandon, 
Middlebury, Wbiting and Shoreham, making a circuit of sixty miles in twenty, 
four hours." 

Major Beach was an intimate friend of Major Skene, and was at Skenes- 
borough on Saturday before Skene was captured. The Major consulted with Beach 
about rebuilding the forts at Ticonderoga, Crown Point, etc., and told him his 
father was coming out with a commission as Governor of the country, and 
authority to repair all the defenses. Beach replied that he thought he would have 
difficulty in raising men, as the men would have business at Boston! Skene was 
soon relieved of all difficulty on this score, for on the following Tuesday he was 
captured and sent to Connecticut. 



NUMBER XI. Page 43. 

The following extract is taken from Zadock Thompson's " Gazetteer of Ver- 
mont," Part Second, p. 33 : 

" While they were collecting at Castleton, Colonel Arnold arrived there, 
attended only by a servant. This officer had been chosen captain by an inde- 
pendaut company at Nev/ Haven, in Connecticut, and, as soon as he heard of the 
battle at Lexington, he marched his company to Cambridge, where the Americans 



I 

i 



108 

were assembling to invest Boston. There, he received a colonel's commission 
from the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, with orders to raise four iiundred 
men for the reduction of Ticondcrog'a and Crown Point, which he represented to 
be in a ruinous condition, and feebly garrisoned. His commission being examined, 
Arnold was permitted to join the party ; but it was ordered by a council that 
Allen should also have the commission of Colonel, and should be first in command. 

" To procure intelligence. Captain Noah Phelps, one of the gentlemen from 
Connecticut, went into the fort at Ticonderoga, in the habit of one of the settlers, j 

where he enquired for a barber, under the pretence of wanting to be shaved. By I 

affecting an awkward appearance, and asking many simple questions, he passed | 

unsuspected, and had a favorable opportunity of observing the condition of the | 

works. Having obtained the necessary information, he returned to the party, and ; 

the same night they began their march for the fort. And these affairs had been i 

conducted with so much expedition, that Allen reached Orwell, opposite to Ticon- i 

deroga, with his men, in the evening of the 9th of May, while the garrison were | 

without any knowledge of the proceedings, and without any apprehension of a | 

hostile visit. 1 

"The whole force collected on this occasion amounted to 270 men, of whom I 

230 were Green Mountain Boys. It was with difficulty that boats could be obtained ; 

to carry over the troops. A Mr. Douglass was sent to Bridport to procure aid in ] 

men, and a scow belonging to Mr. Smith. Douglass stopped by the way to enlist f 

a Mr. Chapman in the enterprise, when James Wilcox and Joseph Tyler, two ? 

young men who were a-bcfl in the chamber, hearing the story, conceived the design | 

of decoying on shore a large oar-boat belonging to Major Skene, and which then | 

lay off against Willow Point. They dressed, seized their guns and jug of rum, of | 

which they knew the black commander to be extremely fond,— gathered four men I 

as they went, and arriving all armed, they hailed the boat, and offered to help row I 

it to Shoreham, if he would carry them immediately, to join a hunting party that I 

would be waiting for them. The stratagem succeeded, and poor Jack and his two 
men suspected nothing, till they arrived at Allen's headquarters, and were made 
prisoners of war. 

Douglass arrived with the scow about the same time, and some other boats 
having been collected, Allen embarked with S3 men, and landed near the fort." 

The Willoio Pointy near which Major Skene's boat lay, must not be confounded 
with another point of the same name, about a half mile north of the fort, upon 
which Allen and his men made their landing. The first Willow Point is on the 
eastern, or Vermont shore, nearly opposite Crown Point, and in the northwesterly 
corner of the town of Bridport. The other is on the west, or New York side, a 
little south of Hand's Cove, where the expedition embarked.— See Goodhue's, Hist. 
Shoreham^p. 16. 



^ NUMBER XII, Page 44. 

There has been much confusion in relation to the true date of the capture of 
Crown Point. Arnold, writing to the Massachusetts Committeeof Safety, on the 
11th, says : 



■ i.i 7 Li/.. 






t i 






109 

"The party I advised were gone to Crown Point, are returned, having met 
with head winds, and that expedition, and tailing the sloop, is entirely laid aside.'''' 
Arnold must have known this statement to be false when he penned it. Ira Allen, 
who was in the expedition against Ticonderoga, in his " History of Vermont," p. 
59, says, after describing the capture of Ticonderoga, " a party was sent by water, 
as soon as possible, to Crown Point, under the command ol Captain Warner. 
Previous to this, Colonel Allen had sent orders to Captain Baker, of Onion River, 
forty miles north of Crown Point, to come with his company and assist ; and, 
though belated, yet he met aud took two small boats on their way to give the 
alarm to Fort St. John. Captain Warner aud Baker appeared before Crown Point 
nearly at the same time ; the garrison, having only few men, surrendered without 
opposition." It has been commonly supposed that Warner left on the morning of 
the 10th, soon after the capture of Ticonderoga, and tha( Crown Point was taken 
on the same day. The following letter, however, now in the possession of Hon. 
L, flebard, of Lebanon, Conn., just published in "The Dartmouth Magazine," for 
May, 1872, fixes the date of the capture of Crown Point beyond question : 

" Head Quabters, Crown Point, 12th May, 1775. 
Gent. — Yesterday, we took possession of this garrison in the name of the 
country, — we found great quantyties of ordnance, stores, &c. Very little pro- 
vision. We have had parties out several days, watching every passage to Canady, 
by land and water. Have taken two mails ; have not examined them very par- 
ticularly; find nothing material in English, — some letters in French and High 
Dutch which we could not read. The bearer, Mr, Levi Allen, has this moment 
returned from a party that was watching the lake, to stop any news going to 
Canady, as we want to have sloop return from St. Johns, and make a prize of her. 
She will be well loaded. Allen informs us a bark canoe has been seen standing 
for Canady, three miles north of his station on the lake, by which means, we sup- 
pose. Gov. Carlton will hear what we have done, before this comes to hand. He 
is a man-of-war ; you can guess what measures he will take. We determine to 
fight them three to one, but he can bring ten to one, and more. We should be glad 
of assistance of men, provisions and powder, and beg your advice whether we 
shall abandon this place and retire to Ticonderoga, or proceed to St. Johns <fec. 
&c. The latter we should be fondest of. We are, Gen'l., yours to command, 

SETH WARNER, 
PELEG SUNDERLAND, 
To His Hon. the Governor and Council 
and Gen. Assembly Connecticut." 



NUMBER XIII. Page 44. 

ETHAN AI-USN TO THE ALBANY COMMITTEE, 

Ticonderoga, May 11th, 1775. 
Gentlemen:— I have the inexpressible satisfaction to acquaint you, that, at 
daybreak of the tenth instant, pursuant to my directions from sundry le<;ding 



t. . /.;,:■ ■■ f 



110 

gentlemen of Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut^ I took the fortress of Ticonder- 
ogay with about one hundred and thirty Green Mountain Boys. Colonel Euston, 
with about forty-seven valiant soldiers, distinguished themselves in the action. 
Colonel Arnold entered the fortress with me, side by side. The guard was so sur- 
prised, that contrary to expectation, they did not lire on us, but retreated with 
precipitancy. We immediately entered the fortress, and took the garrison 
prisoners, without bloodshed or any opposition. They consisted of one captain 
and a lieutenant, and forty-two men. 

Little more need be said. You know Governour Carlton^ of Canada^ will 
exert himself to retake it ; and, as your county is nearer than any other part of 
the Colonies, and as your inhabitants have thoroughly manifested their zeal in the 
cause of the country, I expect immediate assistance Irom you, both in men and 
.provisions. You cannot exert yourself too much in so glorious a cause. The 
number of men need be more at first, till the other Colonies can have time to- 
muster. I am apprehensive of a sudden and quick attack. Pray be quick to our 
relief, and send us five hundred men immediately ; fail not. 
From your friend and humble servant, 

ETHAN ALLEN, Commander of Ticonderoga. 
tJLHAM Yates, Chairman of the Committee, Albany. 



NUMBER XIV. Page 48. 

ETHAN ALLEN TO THE MASSACHUSETTS CONCFKESS. 

Ticonderoga, May 11, 1775. 
Gentlemen : — 

I have to inform you, with pleasure unfelt before, that on the break of day of 
tenth of May, 1775, by the order of the General Assembly of the Colony of Con- 
necticuty I took the Fortress of Ticonderoga by storm. The soldiery was composed 
of about one hundred Green Mountain Boys, and near fifty veteran soldiers from 
the Province of Massachusetts Bay. The latter was under the command of Colonej 
James Easton, who behaved with great zeal and fortitude,— not only in council, 
but in the assault. The soldiery behaved with such resistless fury, that they so 
terrified the King's troops, that they durst not fire on their assailants, and our 
Boldiery was agreeably disappointed. The soldiery behaved with uncommon 
rancour when they leaped into the Fort ; and, it must be confessed, that the Colonel 
has greatly contributed to the taking of that fortress, as well as John Brown, Esq., 
attorney at law, who was also an able counsellor, and was personally in the attack. 
I expect the Colonies will maintain this fort. As to the cannon and warlike stores, 
1 hope they may serve the cause of liberty, instead of tyranny, and I humbly im- 
plore your assistance in immediately assisting the Government of Connecticut in 
establishing a garrison in the reduced premises. Colonel Easton will inform, you 
at large. From, gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servant, 

ETHAN ALLEN. 
To the Honorable Congress of the Province ) 

of Massachusetts Bay, or Council of War. j 



1 



Ill 

NUMBER XV. Page 50. 

COLONEL ETHAN ALLEN TO GOVERNOR TRUMBULL. 

TicoNDEROGA, 12tli May, 1775. 
Hon'ble Sir : — I make you a present of a Major, a Captain and two Lieuten- 
ants in the regular Establishment of George the Third. I hope they may serve a3 
ranso. 's for some of our friends at Boston, and particularly for Capt. Brown, of 
Rhode Island. A party of men, under the command of Capt. Herrick, has took 
possession of Skenesborough, imprisoned Major Skene, and seized a. schooner of 
his. I expect, in ten days' time, to have it rigged, manned and armed with six or 
eight pieces of cannon, which, with the boats in our possession, I purpose to make 
an attack on the armed sloop of George the Third, which is now cruising ou Lake 
Champlain, and is about twice as big as the schooner. I hopq in a short time to 
be authorized to acquaint your Honour, that Lake Champlain, and the fortifications 
thereon, are subject to the Colonies. 

The entei-prise has been approbated by the officers and soldiery of the Green 
Mountain Boys, nor do I hesitate as to the success. I expect lives must be lost in 
the attack, as the commander of George's sloop is a man of courage, etc. 

Messrs. Hickok, Halsey and Nichols have the charge of conducting the 
officers to Hartford. These gentlemen have fteen very assiduous and active in the 
late expedition. 

I depend upon your Honour's aid and assistance in a situation so contiguous 
to Canada. 

I subscribe myself, your Honour's ever faithful, 

Most obedient and humble Servant, 
ETHAN ALLEN, At 23resent Commander of Ticonderoga. 
To the Hon'ble Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., 

Capt. General and Governour of the Colony of Connecticut. 



COMMISSARY ELISHA PHELPS TO GENERAL ASSEMBLY OY CONNECTICUT. 

Skenesborough, May 16th, 1775. 
To the Honorable General Assembly of the Colony of Co7inecticut, in New England^ 
America^ now sitting at Hartford: 
Gentlemen of the House : — I now would endeavor to state before you the 
situation of affairs of these northern froutiers, and the army and fort, and our pro- 
ceedings from the beginning. When Ave left Hartford, our orders was to repair to 
the Grauts of New Hampshire, and raise an army of men, as we thought proper, 
to go and take the Fort Tlcouderoga and Crown Point, and Major Skene, etc., and 
to destroy the fort, or k<K'p it, and send an express to Albany, and see if they 
would keep it ; or seud to the Colony of Connecticut. Upon which orders we 
went to Pittsfield, and Col. Easton and Capt. Douglass [Dickenson?] joined us 
with about sixty men ; and we pursued to Bennington, and met Col. Allen, v/ho 
was much pleased with the intended expeditiou, and we agreed he should get one 
hundred'men. We sent forward to Crown Point and Ticonderoga, Capt. Noah 
Phelps and Mr. Hickok, to reconnoitre and see what discovery they could make 



, V .. .. I 



112 

who met us at Castleton— who informed us that the regulars was not any ways 
apprised of our coming. To which, the army pursued on, and on the 10th day of 
May instant, .tooli Fort Ticonderoga, and also Major Skene, and have sent them, 
■with proper guards, to Hartford. There is, at the fort, about 200 men, — in a fort 
of broken walls and gates, and but few cannon in order, and very much out of 
repair, — and in a great quarrel with Col. Arnold, who shall command the fort, even 
that some of the soldiers threaten the life of Col. Arnold. Major Skene's estate 
we have put into the care of Capt. Noah Lee, a man of good character, and capable 
of taking care of the business well. The people on the Grants are in much dis- 
tress for want of provisions. The iron work must be carried on for the benefit of 
the people here ; but it would not do, by no means, to have Mr. Brook stay here, 
as he was looked upon to be a bigger enemy to his country than Major Skene, and 
'tis an easy matter to send an Indian to Canada, and inform them all our schemes 
and plans. One enemy in the city is worse than ten outside. 

News I have, by a credible man as any in these parts (by name, Gershom Beach 
of Rutland), and who has been one of Major Skene's best friends, but loves him- 
self and country better,— who told me he was at the Major's on Saturday, before 
the Major was taken (who was taken Tuesday) ; that his father had sent him a 
letter, and shewed it to him, which informed the young Major that he had married 
to a lady of fortune, of forty-three thousand pound sterling, and that he had a com. 
mission in chief over Fort Ticonderoga and Crown Point and Fort George ; also? 
the Major asked Mr. Beach about rebuilding the forts. Mr. Beach told him he 
could not get men enough, as they would be at Boston. The Major replied, his 
lather had a thousand men coming with him, and was to have been here by the 
first day of May instant. Now, gentlemen, I must beg liberty to offer my humble 
opinion, which is, that not less than three thousand men be sent here immediately, 
and to push on to St. Johns and Canada, and secure them forts, and, in doing that, 
secure the Canadians and Indians on our side, and rescue the frontier from the rage 
of the savages ; and for another small army to go to Detroit, etc. Begging pardon 
for directing any in these affairs. 

Now, gentlemen, as we have done the business we was sent to do, must pray 
that you would send me special orders, whether I should provide any longer for 
the army, on the Colony of Connecticut's cost, or not. As I was appointed by the 
Committee, of which I had the honor to be one, to be commissary of the army, I 
am determined to go to New City and Albany, and secure some provision, and wait 
for further orders from the Assembly. 

I dined with three Indians this day, who belonged to Stockbridge, sent by 3Ir. 
Edwards, and a number of other gentlemen of that town, to Canada, to see if they 
can find out the temper of the Canada Indians. I also saw a young gentleman 
from Albany, that says they disapproved of our proceeding in taking the fort, in 
that we did not acquaint them of it before that it was done. Perhaps it would be 
well if some gentlemen should wait on the Congress at New York, so as to keep 
peace with them. N. B. We did inform the Gentlemen Committee of Albany of 
our proceedings, which you will see by a letter in the hands of Capt. Mott. 

Geutlemen, I am, with esteem, your very humble Servant to command, 

ELISHA PHELPS.'* 



113 

It woTild, probably, have saved the Colonies the disasters of the next autumn 
and winter, including the loss of General Montgomery and the greater part of his 
army, if the -earnest counsels of this letter, and of Ethan Alien, in favor of an 
immediate invasion of Canada, had been followed. There seems little doubt that 
the people of Canada sympathized with the movements of the Colonies, and might 
easily have been induced to join with them in resistance to Great Britain. But the 
Continental Congress was not ripe for such a movement. It even apologized to 
the people of Canada for the capture of Ticonderoga, and, on the 29th of May, 
adopted an address to them, in which they say, " that the taking of the fort and 
military stores at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the armed vessels on the 
lake, was dictated by the great law of self-preservation. They were intended to 
annoy us, and to cut off that friendly intercourse and communication which has 
hitherto subsisted between us. We hope it has given you no uneasiness," etc. 
And, on the first of June, the same Congress resolved, " That no expedition or 
incursion ought to be undertaken or made by any Colony, or body of Colonists, 
against or into Canada." An invasion at that time would probably have met with 
little active resistance. 

The elder Skene, referred to in the foregoing letter, was captured on the 
arrival of the vessel from London in which he took passage, and sent to Phila- 
delphia. On the 8th of June, the Continental Congress being informed " that the 
said Skene has lately been appointed Governor of the Forts of Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point," and apprehending that he was " a dangerous partisan of Adminis- 
tration," appointed a committee to examine his papers ; and, on the 5th of July, 
*'it appearing that Gov. Philip Skene and Mr. Lundy have designs inimical to 
America," they were ordered to be sent to Connecticut, and placed in charge of 
Gov. Trumbull, as prisoners of war. — See Journals of Cont. Congress^ 1775, pp. 
114, 142. 



NUMBER XVI. Page 51. 

t 

\ See American BibliopoUst, Vol. III., No. 36, p. 491. Dec. 1871. 

/ This account, published in the Worcester Spy, May 17, 1755, endorsed by the 

j editor as being " furnished by a correspondent whose veracity can be depended 

I VL^on,^'' is jproho-bly thti earliest published cotemporary account of the capture. It is 

one week earlier than that of Colonel Easton in the same newspaper, and appears 
to be the source from which the London magazines of the time made up their 
items. The Bibliopolist is entitled to the credit of reproducing a piece of impor- 
tant evidence, which has not been cited since the controversy respecting Ticon- 
deroga has arisen. The account is as follows : 

"Col. James Easton and Col. Ethan Allen, having raised about 150 men for 
the purpose, agreeable to a plan formed in Connecticut, detached a party of about 
thirty men to go to Skenesborough, and take into custody Major Skene and his 
party of regular soldiers; and, with the remainder, having crossed the lake in boats 
in the night, and landed about half a mile from said fortress, immediately marched, 



114 

"With great silence, to the gates of the fortress, and at break of day, May 10th, made 
the assault with great intrepidity, — our men darting like lightning upon the 
guards, gave them but just time to snap two guns at our men before they took 
them prisoners. This was immediately followed by the reduction of the fort and 
its dependencies. About 40 of the King's troops are taken prisoners (including 
one captain, one lieutenant, and inferior officers), with a number of women and 
children belonging to the soldiery at this garrison. Major Skene and the whole of 
his party are also taken. The prisoners are now under guard, on their way to 
Hartford, where it is probable they will arrive the latter end of this week. Those 
who took an account of the ordinance, warlike stores, etc., judged it amounted to 
no less than £300,000 in value. A party was immediately detached to take posses- 
sion of Crown Point, where no great opposition v/as expected to be made. As the 
possession of this place affords us a key to ail Canada, and may be of infinite im- 
portance to us in future, it must rejoice the hearts of all lovers of their country, 
that so noble an acquisition was made without the loss of one life, and is certainly 
an encomium upon the wisdom and valour of the xiew Englanders, however some 
tories would fliin insinuate that they will not fight nor encounter danger. 

^^ What think ye of the Yankees now f 

We are told there are about 100 pieces of cannon, from 6 to 24 pounders at 
Ticonderoga." 



NUMBER XVIL Page 52. 

PETITION OF CAJTAIN DELAPLACE. 

^o the Honorable^ the General Assembly of the Govern&ur and Company of the 

English Colony of Connecticut, m New England, in America, now 

C07ivened at Hartford : 

The memorial of William Delaplace^ a Captain in His Majesty's Twenty-Sixth 

Regiment, and Commandant of the Fort and garrison of Ticonderoga, in behalf of 

himself and the officers and soldiers under his command, beg leave to represent 

our difficult situation to your Honours, and petition for redress. 

Your memorialist would represent, that on the morning of the tenth of May 
instant, the garrison of the Fortress of Ticonderoga, in the Province of New Yoi-k, 
was surprised by a party of armed men, under the commaud of one Ethan Allen,, 
consisting of about one hundred and fifty, who had taken such measures effectu- 
ally to surprise the same, that very little resistance could be made, and to whom 
your memorialists were obliged to surrender as prisoners ; and overpowered by a 
superior force, and disarmed, and by said Allen ordered immediately to be sent to 
Hartford, in the Colony of Connecticut, where your memorialists are detained as 
prisoners of war,— consisting of officers, forty-seven private soldiers of His 
Majesty's troops, besides women and children. That your memorialists, being 
ignorant of any crime by them committed, whereby they should be thus taken 
and held, also are ignorant by what authority said Allen thus took. them, or that 
they are thus detained in a strange country, and at a distance from the post as- 



115 

Bigned them ; thus know not in -what light they are considered by yonr Eon ours 
consequently know not what part to act ; would therefore ask your Honours' 
interposition 'and protection, and order that they be set at liberty, to return to the 
post from whence they were taken, or to join the regiment to which thy belong; 
or, if they are considered in tho light of prisoners of war, your Honours would be 
pleased to signify the same to them, and by whom they are detained, and that 
your Honours would afford us your flivor and protection during the time we shall 
tarry in this Colony ; and your memorialists shall ever j^ray. 

WILLIAM DELAPLACE, 

Captain^ Commandant Ticonderoga Fort. 
Haetford, May 24, 1775. 



NUMBER XVIII. Page 52. , 

" AUTHENTICK ACCOUNT OF THE TAKING OP FORTRESSES AT TICONDEROGA 
AND CROWN POINT BY A PARTY OP TnE CONNECTICUT FORCES. 

" New York, May 18, 1775. 

" Captain Edward Mott and Captain Noah Phelps set out from Ranford on 
Saturday^ the twenty-ninth of Aprils in order to take possession of the Fortress 
of Ticonderoga^ and the dependencies thereto belonging. They took with them 
from Connecticut sixteen men unarmed, and marched privately through the 
country till they came to Ptttsfield^ without discovering their design to any person, 
till they fell in company with Colonel Ethan Allen, Colonel Easton, and John 
Brown, Esq., who engaged to join themselves to said Matt and Phelps, and to raise 
men sufficient to taK.e the place by surprise, if possible. Accordingly, the men 
were raised, and proceeded, as directed by said Mott and Phelps, Colonel Ethan 
Allen commanding the soldiery. On Tuesday, they surprised and took the fortress, 
making prisoners the Commandant and his party. On Wednesday morning they 
possessed themselves of Crown Point, taking possession of the ordinance stores, 
consisting of upwards of two hundred pieces of cannon, three mortars, sundry 
howitzers, and fifty swivels, etc. 

^'' Ethan Allen, iit\xx{\x\ o\ an attempt from Governour Carleton to retake the 
place, has written to the Committee of Albany for a supply of five hundred men 
and provisions. The Committee, however, not perceiving themselves competent 
to determine on a matter of so much importance, requested the advice of our 
General Committee, who referred them, and immediately despatched an express, 
to the Congress now sitting at Philadelphia.^'' 



NUMBERS XIX. and XX Page 54. 

See Number VII. of this Appendix, where the authorship of this letter is 
referred to. The letter of May 9th, written by Kev. Thomas Allen to Geueral 
Pomeroy, is given in such an imperfect form in the " Archives," that I give it here 



116 

in full from Dr. Field's " History of Pittsfield," p. 75. The portions italicised are 
omitted by Mr. Force, who probably follows a copy published at the time. The 
importance of the concluding paragraph is apparent. 

"Pittsfield, May 9tb, 1775. 
Gen. Pomeroy— Sir : 

/ shall esteeyn it a great happiness if I can communicate any intelligence to you,, 
Sir, that shall be of any seivice to my country. In my last, 1 wrote to you of the 
northern expedition. Before the week ends, we are in raised hopes, here, of hear- 
ing that Ticonderoga and Crown Poiut are in other hands. Whether the expe- 
dition fails or succeeds^ I will send you the most early intelligence, as I look on it as 
an affair of great importance. Solomon, the Indian king, at Stockbridge, waa 
lately at Col. Easton's, of this town, and said there that the Mohawks had not only 
gave liberty to the Stockbridge Indians to join us, but had sent them a belt, denot- 
ing that they would hold in readiness 500 men, to join us immediately on the first 
notice, and that the said Solomon holds an Indian post in actual readiness to run 
with the news as soon as they shall be wanted. Should the Council of War judge 
it necessary to send to them, after being better informed of the matter, by Captain 
Goodrich, now in the service, if you should issue out your orders to Col. Easton^ 
1 make no doubt that he could bring them down soon. These Indians mi^rht be of 
great service, should the King's troops march out of Boston, as some think they 
undoubtedly will, upon the arrival of the recruits, and give no (us ?) battle. 

Our militia, this way. Sir, are vigorously preparing for actual readiness. 
Adjacent towns, and this town, are buying anus and ammunition. There is a 
plenty ot arms to be sold at Albany, as yet, but we hear, by order of the Mayor, 
etc., no powder is to be sold, for the present, there. The spirit of liberty runs 
high there, as you have doubtless heard by their post to our head quarters. I have 
exerted myself to disseminate the same spirit in King's District, which has of late 
taken a surprising eflfect. The poor Tories at Kinderhook are mortified and grieved, 
and are wheeling about, and begin to take the quick step. New York Govern- 
ment begins to be alive in the glorious cause, and to act with great vigor. .Som?, 
this way, say that the King^s troops xcill carry off all the plate, merchandize and 
plunder of the town of Boston, to pay them for their ignominious expedition, which., 
in my opinion, would not be at all inconsistent with the shameful principles of those 
who have sent them on so inglorious an expedition. 

I ferv^ently pray. Sir, that our Council of War may be inspired with wisdom 
from above, to direct the warlike enterprise with prudence, discretion and vigor. 
O ! may your councils and deliberations be under the guidance and blessing of 
Heaven ! Since I began, an intelligible person, who left Ticonderoga Saturday 
before last, informs me, that having went through there and Crown Point about 
three weeks ago, all were secure ; but, on his return, he found they were alanned 
with our expedition, and would not admit him into the fort ; that there were 
twelve soldiers at Crown Point, and he judged near two hundred at Ticonderoga; 
that these forts are out of repair, and much in ruins; that it was his own opinion 
our men would undoubtedly be able to take them ; and that he met our men last 
Thursday, who were well furnished with cattle, and wagons laden with provisions. 



LIT 

and in good spirits, who, he supposed, would arrive there last Sabbath day, and 
he doubted not but this week they would be in possession of those forts. He in- 
formed them 'where they might obtain a plenty of ball, and there are cannon 
enough at Crown Point, which they cannot secure from us ; that he saw the Old 
Sow from Cape Breton, and a number of good brass cannon, at Ticonderoga. 
Should this expedition succeed, and should the Council of War send up their orders 
for the people this way to transport by land twenty or thirty of the best cannon 
to headquarters, I doubt not bdt the people in this country would do it with all 
expedition. We could easily collect a thousand yoke of cattle for the business. 

Since I wrote the last paragraph, an express has arrived from Benedict Arnold^ 
Commander of the forces against Ticonderoga, for recruits ; in consequence of 
which, orders are issued out foi- a detachment of eighteen men of each company in 
this regiment to march immediately, who will be on their way this day. I am, Sifj 
with great respect, your obedient Servant^ 

THOMAS ALLEN." 

I am aware that it has been generally assumed that Arnold went through the 
towns in Western Massachusetts, and arranged with oflBcers there to enlist his 
men. Sparks, in his Life of Allen (Am. Biog., Vol. I., p. 273), says that "Arnold 
had agreed with officers in Stockbridge to enlist and forward such (men) as could 
be obtained, making all haste himself to join the expedition, which he did not 
hear was on foot until he came to that town." Smith, in his " History of Pitts- 
field," Vol. L, p. 219, says that Arnold " is said to have authorized enlistments in 
Stockbridge ; but, on reaching Pittsfield, he learned of the expedition which was 
anticipating him, and hastened to overtake it." But I am not aware of any evi- 
dence proving that he passed through either of these towns. I therefore place 
Arnold's letter from Rupert in contrast with Mr. Allen's from Pittsfield, and leave 
the reader to judge for himself whether the inference of the Text is well founded. 
For myself, I do not believe that he could have passed through Pittsfield, and 
commenced enlistments there without the knowledge of Mr. Allen, the Chairman 
of the Pittsfield Committee. If he had done so, / do not believe he would have 
sent hack an express from Rupert, to the towns in which he had commeticed his enlist- 
ments, with the following letter^ first published by Mr. Smith, in his " History of 
Pittsfield : " 

Reuport, 8th May, 1775. 

Gentlemen : — By the last information I can get, there is one hundred men, or 
more, at Ticonderoga, who are alarmed and keep a good look out. I am also in- 
formed the sloop has gone to St. Johns for provisions; that she had six guns 
mounted, and twenty men. We have only one hundred and fifty men gone on, 
which are not sufficient to secure the vessels and keep the lakes ; this ought, by 
all means, to be done, that we may cut oft' their communication, and stop all 
supplies going to the fort, until we can have a sufficient number of men from the 
lower towns. 

I beg the favor of you, gentlemen, as far down as this reaches, to exert your- 
selves, and send forward as many men to join the army here as you can possibly 



118 

spare. There is plenty of provisions engaged, and on the road, for five hnndred 

men six or eight weeks. Let every man bring as much powder and ball as he can ; 

also a blanket. -Their wages are 40s. per month, I humbly engaged to see f>aid,; 

also the blankets. 

I am, Gentlemen, your humble Servant, 

BENEDICT ARNOLD, 

Commander of the Forces. 
To the Gentlemen in the Southern Towns. 



NUMBER XXI. Page 56. 

BENEDICT AJINOLD TO THE COMaHTTEE OF SAFETY. 

TiCONDEROGA, May 11, 1775. 
Gentlemen : — I wrote you yesterday, that, arriving in the vicinity of this place, 
I found one hundred and fifty men, collected at the instance of some gentlemen 
from Connecticut (designed on the same errand on which I came), headed by 
Colonel Ethan Allen, and that I had joined them, not thinking proper to await the 
arrival of the troops I had engaged on the road, but to attempt the fort by sur- 
prise ; that we had taken the fort at four o'clock yesterday morning, without op- 
position, and had made prisoners, one Captain, one Lieutenant, and fonv odd 
privates and subalterns, and that we found the fort in a most ruinous condition* 
and not worth repairing. That a party of fifty men were gone to Crown Pointy 
and that I intended to follow with as many men, to seize the sloop, etc. ; and that 
I intended to keep possession here until 1 had further advice from you. On and 
before our taking possession here, I had agreed with Colonel Alleti to issue fr.rthe ' 
orders jointly, until I could raise a suflicient number of men to relieve his people, 
on which plan we proceeded when I wrote you yesterday, since which. Colonel 
Allen, finding he had the ascendency over his people, positively insisted I should 
have no command, as I had forbid the soldiers plundering and destroying private 
property. The power is now taken out of my hands, and I am not consulted ; 
nor have I a voice in any matters. There is here, at present, near one hundred 
men, who are in the greatest confusion and anarchy, destroying and plundering 
private property, committing every enormity, and paying no attention to publick. 
service. The party I advised were gone to Croion Point, are returned, having met 
with head winds, and that expedition, and taking the sloop (mounted with six 
guns), is entirely laid aside. There is not the least regularity among the troops, 
but everything is governed by whim and caprice, — the soldiers threatening to leave 
the garrison on the least affront. Most of them must return home soon, as their 
families are suficning. Under our present situation, I believe one hundred men 
would retake the fortress, and there seems no prospect of things being in u better 
situation. I have, therefore, thought proper to send an express, advising yon of 
the state of afiairs, not doubting you will take the mutter into your serious con- 
sideration, and order a number of troops to join those I have coming on hei-e ; or 
that you will appoint some other person to take the command of them and this 
place, as you shall think most proper. Colonel Allen is a proper man to head hia 



119 

own wild people, but entirely unacquainted with military service ; and as I am the 
only person who has been legally authorized to take possession of this place, I am 
determined-to insist on my right, and I think it my duty to remain here against 
all opposition, until I have further orders. I cannot comply with your orders in 
regard to the cannon, etc., for want of men. I have wrote to the Governor and 
General Assembly of Connecticut^ advising them of my appointment, and giving 
them an exact detail of matters as they stand at present. I should be extremely 
glad to be honorably acquitted of my commission, and that a proper person might 
be appointed in my room. But as I have, in consequence of my orders from you, 
gentlemen, been the first person who entered and took possession of the fort, I 
shall keep it, at every hazard, until I have further advice and orders from you and 
the General Assembly of Comiecticut. 

I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient, humble Ser\-ant, 

BENEDICT ARNOLD. 
P. S. It is impossible to advise you how many cannon are here and at Crown 
Pointy as many of them are buried in the ruins. There is a large number of iron, 
and some brass, and mortars, etc., lying on the edge of the lake, which, as the 
lake is high, are covered with water. The confusion we have been in has pre- 
vented my getting proper information, further than that there are many cannon 
shells, mortars, etc., which may be very serviceable to our army at Cambridge. 

B.A. 



NUMBERS XXII and XXIIL Page 58. 

The proof that the expedition to Crown Point had not " been entirely laid 
aside," and that Arnold must have known it, is found in No. XII. of this Ap- 
pendix. 

ABNOLD TO MASSACHUSETTS COMMITTEE OF SAFETY . 

TicoNDEKOGA, May 14, 1775. 
Gentlemen : — My last was the 11th instant, per express, since which a party of 
men have seized on Crown Point, in which they took eleven prisoners, and found 
sixty-one pieces of cannon serviceable, and tifty-three unfit for service. I ordered 
a party to Skenesborough, to take Major Skene, who have made him prisoner, and 
seized a small schooner, which is just arrived here. I intend setting out in her 
directly, with a batteau and fifty men, to take possession of the sloop, which, we 
are advised this morning by the post, is at St. Johns, loaded with provisions, etc., 
waiting a wind for this place. Enclosed is a list of cannon, etc., here, though im- 
perfect, as we have found many pieces not included, and some are on the edge of 
the lake, covered with water. I am, with the assistance of Mr. Bernard Romans, 
making preparation at Fort George for transporting to Albany those cannon that 
will be serviceable to our army at Cambridge. I have about one hundred men here, 
and expect more, every minute. Mr. Ailen^s party is decreasing, and the dispute 
between us subsiding. I am extremely sorry matters have not been transacted 
with more prudence and judgment. I have done everything in my power, and 



120 

put up with many insults to preserve peace and serve the publick. I hope soon to 
be properly released from this troublesome business, that some more proper per- 
son may be appointed in my room ; till which, I am, very respccttully, gentlemen, 
your most obedient, humble servant, 

BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

P. S. Since writinj^ the above, Mr. Romans concludes going to Albany to for- 
ward carriages for the cannon, etc., and provisions, which will soon be wanted. I 
beg leave to observe he has been of great service here, and I think him a very 
spirited, judicious gentlemen, who has the service of the country much at heart, 
and hope he will meet proper encouragement. 

B. A. 



NUMBER XXIV, Page 62. 

MASSACHUSETTS CONGRESS TO BENEDICT ARNOLD. 

Watertown, May 22, 1775. 

Sir .-—This Congress have this day received your letter of the 11th instant, 
informing the Committee of Safety of the reduction of the Fort at Ticonderogcu, 
with its dependencies, which was laid before this Congress by said Committee. 
We applaud the conduct of the troops, and esteem it a very valuable acquisition. 

We thank you for your exertions in the cause, and considering the situation 
of this Colony at this time, having a formidable army in the heart of it, whose 
motions must be constantly attended to, and as the affiiirs of that expedition began 
in the Colony of Connecticut^ and the cause being common to us all, we have 
already wrote to the General Assembly of that Colony to take the whole matter 
respecting the same under then* care and direction, until the advice of the Conti- 
nental Congress can be had in that behalf, a copy of which letter we now enclose 
to you. 

• We are, etc." 



On the same day, the Massachusetts Committee of Safety laid Arnold's letter 
of May 11th before the Provincial Congress of that State, and requested that body 
to " proceed thereon, in such manner as to them in their wisdom shall seem meet," 
adding the remark, "this Committee apprehend it to be out of their province in 
any respect Avhatever." The following is the letter in which the Committee, antici- 
pating Arnold's refusal to yield up his command, relieve themselves of all further 
responsibility in the matter. This letter shows that Arnold not only had no com- 
mission or authority from the Congress of Massachusetts, but that all the authority 
he had was derived from the Cominittee of Safety. Arnold's claim that he was 
commissioned by the Congress of Massachusetts was unfounded. On the 26th of 
May, the Congress were obliged to call upon the Committee to ascertain the nature 
and extent of its arrangements with Arnold. 



121 . 

MASSACHUSETTS COMMITTEE OF SAFETY TO BENENICT ARNOLD. 

" Cambridge, May 28, 1775. 
The expedition to Ticonderoga, etc., requiring secrecy, ibu Congress of this 
Colony was not acquainted with the ordeis you received from this Committee. It 
gives us great pleasure to be informed by the express. Captain Brown, that the 
success you have met with is answerable to your spirit in the undertaking. We 
have now to acquaint you that the Congress have taken up this matter^ and given the 
necessary directions respecting these acquisitions. It is then. Sir, become your duty^ 
and is our requiretnent, that you conform yourself to such advice and orders as you 
ahall from time to time receive from that body." We are, etc." 



NUMBER XXV. Page 69. 

Ihe instructions of the Massachusetts Congress to the Committee were dated 
Jane 14th. It is evident from their tenor, that Arnold no longer retained the 
confidence of that Congress, and although he had some time before, while claim- 
ing to act under Massachusetts, pat himself in direct communication with the 
Continental Congress, his efibrts to secure the confidence of that body had met 
with no success, for on tlie 30th of May, immediately after the receipt of a letter 
from Arnold, stating that he had " certain intelligence " that four hundred regu- 
lars were at St. Johns, about to be joined by a large number of Indians, for the 
purpose of retaking Ticonderoga ! " the Continental Congress "ordered that the 
President, in his letter, acquaint Governor Trumbull that it is the desire of the 
Congress that he should appoiut a person in whom he can confide, to command the 
forces at Croicn Point ayid Ticonderoga.'''' — {See Journals of Cong., 1775, p. 111.) 

Colonel Hinman, appointed under this resolution, was on the way to Ticon- 
deroga, with his regiment. Arnold now made another desperate efibrt to retain 
the control of aflairs on this frontier. On the 13th of June, he addressed a long 
letter to the Congress at Philadelphia, urging an invasion of Canada. Two weeks 
before, he had written that the Indians of Canada, with four hundred Kegulars, 
were at St. Johns, on their way to i-ecapture the forts on the lake. Now, he has 
the "agreeable intelligence that the Indians are determined not to assist the 
King's troops;" that the "Canadians are very impatient of our delay, and are 
determined to join us, whenever we appear in the country with any force to 
support them ; " thac " Gov. Carleton, by every artifice, has been able to raise only 
about twenty Canadians," and that if " Congress should think proper to take 
possession of Montreal and Quebeck, (he is,) I am positive two thousand men 
might very easily effect it " He then suggests a plan of the expedition, and urges 
upon Congress the necessity of undertaking it. His letter closes with a " Memor- 
andum:" " Propose, in order to give satisfaction to the different Colonies, that 
Colonel Hinman's Regiment, now on their march from Connecticut to Ticonder- 
oga, should form part of the army— say one thousand men ; 500 do. to be sent 
from New York, including one company of one hundred men, of the train of 
artillery, properly equipped ; 500 do. B. Arnold's Regiment, including seamen and 
marines on board the vessels ! {No Green Mountain Boys! ") etc. This letter also 

9 



122 

contained the agreeable intelligence that the Indians of Canada " have made a 
law, that if any one of their tribe shall take up arms for that purpose (to assist 
the King's troops) he shall imynediately be put to death ! " 

On the same day, June 13, Arnold wrote the Governor of Connecticut, urging 
the invasion of Canada, and stating that five chief men of the Indians, "who are 
now here with their wives and children, and press very hard for our army to 
march into Canada, as they are much disgusted with the regular troops." Gov. 
Carleton " is much disgusted with the merchants of Montreal, and has threatened 
them, if they will not defend the city, in case of an attack, he will set fire to it, 
and retreat to Quebec." 

The extravagance of this letter defeated its purpose. Not the slightest atten - 
tion was paid to it by Connecticut or the Continental Congress, — their confidence 
in Arnold no longer existed. The action of the Massachusetts Congress, already 
mentioned, followed. Its minute instructions to its committee of June 14, plainly 
show its determination to withdraw all its authority Irom Arnold, unless, as the 
instructions stated, "he was willing to continue at one or both of the said posts, 
under the command of such chief officer as zs, or shall be, appointed by the Govern- 
ment of Connecticut." In any other event, the committee was to direct Arnold 
"to return to this Colony, and render his account of the disposition of the money, 
ammunition and other things, which he received at his setting out upon his expe- 
dition ; and also of the charges he has incurred, and the debts which he has con- 
tracted in behalf of this Colony, by virtue of the commissions and instructions 
aforesaid." 

When Colonel Hinman's regiment reached Ticonderoga, Arnold was fully 
advised of the only terms upon which he could continue in the service. His 
reception and treatment of the committee, therefore, deserves particular mention. 



BEPOBT OF THE CROWN POINT COMMITTEE TO THE MASSACHUSETTS CONGEESS. 

Cambkidge, July 6, 1775. 

The Committee appointed to proceed to the posts of Ticonderoga and Crovcn 
Pointy etc., beg leave to report, that they proceeded through the new settlements, 
called the New Hampshire Grants, and carefully observed the road through the 
same, and find that there is a good road from Williamstown to the place wheje 
the road crosseth the river called Paulet River, which is about fifteen miles from 
Skenesborough ; from thence to the falls of Wood Creek, near Major Skene's 
house, the road is not feasible, and unfit for carriages, but cattle may be drove that 
way very well. 

Tour Committee, having taken with them the copies of the commission and 
instruction from the Committee of Safety to Col. Benedict Arnold, and informed 
themselves, as fully as they were able, in what manner he had executed his said 
commission and instructions, and find that he was with Colonel Allen and others at 
the time the fort was reduced, but do not find that he had any men under his com- 
mand at the time of the reduction of those fortresses ; but find that he did after- 
wards possess himself of the sloop on the lake at St. Johns. We find the said 



123 

Arnold claiming the command of said sloop and a schooner, which is said to be 
the property of Major Skene, and also all the posts and lortresscs at the south end 
of Lake Champlain and Lake George, although Colonel lliumau was at Ticonder- 
oga with near a thousand men under his command at the several posts. 

Tour Committee informed the said Arnold of their commission, and, at his 
request, gave him a copy of their instructions ; upon reading of which he seemed 
greatly disconcerted, and declared he would not be second iu command to any 
person whomsoever ; and after some time contemplating upon the matter, resigned 
his post, and gave your Committee his resignation uuder his hand, dated the 24th 
of June, 1775, which is herewith submitted, and at the same time ordered his" 
men to be disbanded, which, he said, was between two and three hundred. Tour 
Committee uot finding any men regularly uuder said Arnold, by reason ot his so 
disbanding them, appointed Colonel Easton, who was then at Ticonderofja, to take 
the command, under Colonel Ilinman, who was the principal commanding officer 
of those posts, of the Connecticut forces, and endeavored to give the officers and 
meu who had served uuder said Arnold an opportunity to re-eugnge, of which 
numbers enlisted, and several of the officers agreed to hold their command under 
the new appointment. * * * *»#*♦ 

Tour Committee found that as soon as Col. Arnold had disbanded his men, 
some of them became dissalislied and mutinous, and many of thwim signified to 
the Committee that they had been informed that they were to be defrauded out of 
the pay for past services. The Committee, in order to quiet them, engaged under 
their hands, iu behalf of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, that as soon as the 
rolls should be made up and properly autheniicated, they should be paid for their 
past services, and all those who should engage anew should have the same wages 
and bounty as is promised to those men who serve within said Colony." 
♦ *##♦#*##*#♦ 

Tour Committee, when they had received Col. Arnold's resignation, directed 
bim to return to Congress, and render an account of his proceedings, agreeable to 
their instructions, a copy of which order is herewith submitted." 

The remaining portions of the report have no reference to Arnold. The Com- 
mittee recognized Easton as Colonel, appointed John Brown Major, ;uid Jonas Fay 
Surgeon of the Post, and advised the Continental Congress and the New Toik 
Convention of the importance of holding Ticonderoga and Crown Point. The 
following letter from Edward Mott to Governor Trumbull supplies souic incidents 
in the Committee's experience which policy would have prohibited them from 
making public at that time: 

" Albany, July 6, 1775. 
HoNOUED Sir: — I arrived here last night, tcu o'clock, from Tieondero<;a; am 
sent express by Col. Uinman, to acquaint the committee at this place, and also the 
Provincial Congress at Neio York, with tbe condition of the troops and garrisons 
at Ticonderoga, Crown Po/n^ and Fort George; expect to set out from hence to 
I^eto York to morrow ; have not as yet waited on the committee here, but write 
iiiese lines by Captain Stevens, who will not tarry, but sets out for home this morn- 



124 

ing. When I arrived at Ticonderoga^ Colonel Himnan had no command there, as 

Colonel Arnold refused to let him comma 7id either of the garrisons^ but had given 

the command of'Ticonderoga to Captain Berrick, frmn whom Colonel Hinman'' s men 

were obliged to take their orders^ or xcere not suffered to pass to and from the garri- 

son. The same day, a committee of three gentlemen from Massachusetts, viz. : Mr. 

Spooner, Colonel Foster om^l Colonel Sullivan, returned to Ticonderoga from Crown 

Point, and informed us that they had been to Colonel Arnold, with orders from 

the Congress requiring him to resign the command to Colonel Hinman, and that 

he, with his regiment, should come under the command of said Hinman, which 

Isaid Arnold positively refused; on which the said Committee discharged Colonel 

Arnold from the service, and desired the privilege to speak with the people xcho had 

engaged under Arnold, but were refused. They further infonned that Colonel 

Arnold and some of his people had gone on board the vessels ; that they understood 

they threatened to go to St, Johns and deliver the vessels to the Regulars ; and that 

Arnold had disbanded all his troops but those that were on board said vessels ; that 

they were treated very ill, and threatened, and after they came axoay in a batteau, 

they were fired upon with swivel-guns, arid small arms by Arnold'' s people ; and that 

Colonel Arnold and his men had got both the vessels, and were draicn off into the 

lake. On which I desired Colonel Hinma?i to let me, with Lieutenant Hahey and 

Mr. Duer (who was Judge of the Court for the County of Charlotte, in this 

Colony), with some men to row, have a batteau, and proceed up the lake, and go 

on board the vessels. We obtained liberty, and Colonel Sullivan consented to go 

with us. We got on board the vessels about eleven o'clock in the morning, and 

he confined three of us on board each vessel ; men set over us with tixed bayonets, 

and so kept us till some time in the evening, when we were dismissed and suffered 

to return. We reasoned with the people on board the vessels all the while we 

•were there, and convinced some of them of their errour, who declared they had 

been deceived by Colonel Arnold. After we returned to the fort, called up Colonel 

Hinman, who ordered Lieutenant Halsey, with twenty-five men, to return again to 

the vessels, and get what people he could on board to join him, and bring one or 

both vessels to the fort, which was all settled the next day. Colonel Sullivan was 

much insulted while we were on board the vessels, chiefly by Mr. Broicn, one of Col. 

Arnold's captains. Captain Stevens, who is waiting while I write these lines, will 

not wait longer, or you should hear more particulars. I expect you will have a 

full account Irom the gentlemen committee, after they have laid it before their 

Congress. Captain Elijah Babcock can give a full account of these matters ; he 

tells me he shall be at Hartford in a few days. Shall give further accounts from 

New York. I am, Sir, at command, your Honor's most obedient and humble 

Servant, 

EDWARD MOTT. 

To the Hon. Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Governor." 



NUMBER XXVI. Page 83. 
The following is Mr. Irving's account of the capture of Ticonderoga, from 
his "Life of Washington," Vol. L, p. 402-5. It is inserted here as well to jusiify 



r.'fT7 



>Maind i. 



125 

the statements of the text, as to show the judgment of an impartial and unpre- 
judiced historian upon the j^eneral facts relating to the expedition. Although 
incorrect in some of its minor details, such as the date of the capture of Crown 
Point, and Arnold's enlistment of men in Western Massachusetts, wherein Mr. 
Irving has followed Mr. Sparks, the relation generally is as correct as it is rivid 
and exciting : 

"As afiGiirs were now drawing to a crisis, and war was considered ineritable, 
some bold spirits in Connecticut conceived a project for the outset. This was the 
surprisal of the old Forts of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, already famous in the 
French war. Their situation on Lake Champlain gave them the command of the 
main route to Canada; so that the possession of them would be all-important in 
case of hostilities. They were feebly garrisoned and negligently guarded, and 
abundantly furnished with artillery and military stores, so much needed by the 
patriot army. 

" The scheme was set on foot in the purlieus, as it were, of the Provincial 
Legislature of Connecticut, then in session. It was not openly sanctioned by that 
body, but secretly favored, and money lent from the treasury to those engaged in 
it. A committee was appointed, also, to accompany them to the frontier, aid them 
in raising troops, and exercise over them a degree of superintendance and control. 

" Sixteen men were thus enlisted in Connecticut, a greater number in Massa- 
chusetts, but the greatest accession of force was from what was called the "New 
Hampshire Grants." This was a region having the Connecticut River on one side, 
and Lake Champlain and the Hudson River on the other, — being, in fact, the 
country forming the present State of Vermont. It had long been a disputed ter- 
ritory, claimed by New York and New Hampshire. George 11. had decided in 
favor Of New York, but the Governor of New Hampshire had made grants of be- 
tween one and two hundred townships in it, whence it had acquired the name of 
the New Hampshire Grants. The settlers on these Grants resisted the attempts of 
New York to eject them, and formed themselves into an association called " The 
Green Mountain Boys." Resolute, strong-handed fellows they were, with Ethan 
Allen at their head, a native of Connecticut, but brought up among the Green 
Mountains. He and his Lieutenants, Seth Warner and Remember Baker, were 
outlawed by the Legislature of New York, and rewards offered for their appre- 
hension. They and their associates armed themselves, set New York at defiance, 
and swore they would be the death of any one who should attempt their arrest. 

"Thus Ethan Allen was becoming a kind of Robin Hood among the moun- 
tains, when the present crisis changed the relative position of things, as if by 
magic. Boundai-y feuds were forgotten amid the great questions of Colonial rights. 
Ethan Allen at once stepped forward, a patriot, and volunteered, with his Green 
Mountain Boys, to serve in the popular cause. He was well fitted for the enter- 
prise in question, by his experience as a frontier champion, his robustness of mind 
and body, and his fearless spirit. He had a rough eloquence, also, that was very 
effective with his followers. 'His style,' says one who knew hira personally, 'was 
a singular compound of local barbarisms, scriptural phrases and oriental wildness ; 
and although unclassic, and sometimes ungrammatical, was highly animated and 



126 

forcible' "Washin2:ton, in one of his letters, says there was ' an orir;;iEal some- 
thing in him which commanded admiration! ' 

"Thus reinforced, the party, now two hundred and seventy strong, pushed 
forward to Castletou, a place within a few miles of the head of Lake Champlain. 
Here a council of war was held on the 2d (8th '?) of May. Ethan Allen was placed 
at the head of the expedition, and James Easton and Seth Warner as second and 
third in command. Detachments were sent off to Skenesborough, (now White- 
hall,) and another place on the lake, with orders to seize all the boats they could 
find, and bring them to Shoreham, opposite Ticonderogn,, whither Allen prepared 
to proceed with the main body. 

"At this juncture, another adventurous spirit arrived at Castleton. This was 
Benedict Arnold, since so sadly renouncd. He, too, had conceived the project of 
surprising TicondCroga and Crown Point; or^ perhaps^ had caxirjht the idea from 
its first agitators m Connecticut, in the militia of which Province he held a captain's 
commission. He had proposed the scheme to the Massachusetts Committee of 
Safety. It had met with their approbation. They bad given him a Colonel's com- 
mission ; authorized him to raise a force in Western Massachusetts, not exceeding 
four hundred men, and furnitbed him with money and means. Arnold bad en- 
listed but a iQ\y ofiicera and men, when be heard of the expedition from Connecti- 
cut being on the march. He instantly hurried oUj v/ith one attendant, to over- 
take it, leaving his few recruits to follow as best they couid. In this way he 
reached Castleton, just after the council of war. 

" Producing the Colonel's commission received from the Massachusetts Com- 
mittee of Safety, he now aspired to the supreme command. His claims were dis- 
regaj-ded by the Green Mountain Boys ; they would follow no leader but Echaa 
Allen. As they formed the majority of the party, Arnold was fain lo a?quicscc, 
and ^erve as a volunteer, with the rank, but not the command, of Coicncl. 

"Tbe party arrived at Shoreham, opposite Ticonderoga, on the night of the 
9th of May. The detaehment sent in quest of boats, had failed to arrive. There 
were a few boats at hand, with which the transportation was commenced. It was 
slow work ; the night wore aw.ay ; day was about to break, and but eighty-three 
men, with Allen and Arnold, had crossed. Should they wait for the residue, dav 
would dawn, the garrison wake, and their enterprise miglit fail. Allen drew up 
bis men, addressed them in his own cnii)hatic style, and announced his intention 
to make a dash at the fort, without w liting lor more force. 'It is a desperate 
attempt,' said he ; ' and I ask no man to go against his will. I will take the lead, 
and be the first to advance. You that are williug to follow, poise your firelocks.* 
Not a firelock but was poised. 

"They mounted the hill briskly, but in silence, guided by a bov from the 
neighborhood. The day dawned as Allen arrived at a sally-port. A sentry pulled 
trigger on him, but his piece missed fire. Ue retreated through a covered way. 
Alien and his men followed. Another sentry thrust at Easton with his bayonet, 
but was struck down by xillcu, and begged lor quarter. It was granted on con- 
dition of his leading the way, instantly to the quarters of the Commandant, Capt. 
Delaplaccs who was yet in bed. Being arrived there, Allen thundered at the door. 



127 

and demanded a surrender of the fort. By this time his followers had formed into 
two lines on the parade ground, and given three hearty cheers. The Commandant 
appeared at his door, half dressed, " the frightened face of his pretty wife peering 
over his shoulder.' He gazed at Alien in bewildered astonishment. ' By whose 
authority do you act? ' exclaimed he. *In the name of the Great Jehovah, and 
the Continental Congress!' replied Allen, with a flourish of his sword, and an 
oath, which we do not care to subjoin. 

"There was no disputing the point. The garrison, like the commander, had 
been startled from sleep, and made prisoners as they rushed forth in their con- 
fusion. A surrender accordingly took place. The captain, and forty-eight men, 
which composed the garrison, were sent prisoners to Hartford, in Connecticut. 
A great supply of military and naval stores, so important in the present crisis, 
was found in the fortress. 

" Colonel Seth Warner, who had brought over the residue of the party from 
Shoreham, was now sent with a detachment against Crown Point, which surren- 
dered on the 12th of May, without firing a gun. Here were taken upward of a 
hundred cannon. 

"Arnold now insisted vehemently on his right to command Ticonderoga; 
being, as he said, the only officer invested with legal authority. His claims had 
again to yield to the superior popularity of Ethan Allen, to whom the Connecticut 
Committee, which had accompanied the enterprise, gave an instrument in writing, 
investing him with the command of the fortress and its dependencies, until he 
should receive the orders of the Connecticut Assembly or the Continental Con- 
gress. Arnold, while forced to acquiesce, sent a protest, and a statement of his 
grievances to the Massachusetts Legislature. * # * # # 

" Thps a partisan band, unpractised in the art of war, had, by a series of 
daring exploits, and almost without the loss of a man, won for the patriots the 
command of Lakes George and Champlain, and thrown open the great highway 
to Canada. 



A IMouument to tire JtsrUihli iicro ai xhju- 
derotja. 

,. On Centennial dny a commitrco of oeatlcraeu 
residiujr at T JcondeiOKa and vicinity was appoint- 
ed to select suitable meuiorial stones or nionu- 
ments to be placed on spots of historic interest 
in that place. Nothing was done by tbis commit- 
tee. During tbe past summer Joseph Coot, wUq 
was spending bis vacation in Ticonderoq;a, CCn- 
cciYCtltli? i<^ei^ of begiuDing tbis work by erect- 
ing a monument ou tlie spot where Lord Howe 
fell. He accordingly ordered a monument of flue 
white marble from the quarry of George D. Clark. 
Tbe base is of Ticonderoga blue stone, and the 
following Is tbe inscription:— 

Neak THI3 Spot 

FELL, 

JtJLY 6th, 1753. 

Ilf A SKIRMISH PRECEDING 

Aberckombte's Defeat 

BY MOJITCALil, 

Lord 

GEORGE AUGUSTUS HOWE, 

Arjecl 34. 

Massachusetts erected a monument to him in 
Westminster Abbey. Ticonderofja places hire 
this Memorial, 

The Hon. C. H. Delano presided at tbe ceremony 
of unveiling, Thursday, August 29, and introduced 
Joseph Cook as the generous donor of tbe monu- 
ment. Mr. Cook then delivered an eloquent ad- 
dress in bis own inimitable manner. On com- 
mencing be spoke substantially as follows:— 

'S\'e are assembled as Americans to dedicate a 
monument to an Englishman. We are here a-^ re- 
publicans and democrats to honor the memory of 
a British lord. Our proceeding: is aoparently a 
strange one, but it needs no explanation to tho^e 
wbo understand the historical associations of 
Ticonderogra, One hundred and twenty y^ars 
ago, when Lord Howe fell on this spot, we were 
all Englishmen. George Washington was twenty- 
six years old, and in 1758 was about to be married 
to Martha Custis. Benjamin Franklin was tifty- 
two years old, and was engaged in Philadelphia 
in making expeiiments in electricity. Edmund 
Burke, tbe vear before, bad gone down to Sir 
John Nugent's in Bath, had married the daugh- 
ter of that physician, and at the age of twenty- 
eight was founding a new home in Enailand. In 
Massachusetts, such was the popularity of the 
Eiiglisbmau who met death on this spot, that 
the young American Commonwealth, so soon 
to rebel agamst (ireat Britain, erected a 
monument to him in Westminster Abbey. On 
tbe pallid nrarb'e there I have read the 
name of our town inscribed upon tbe proud walls 
which enclose the dr(-:t of the mo:it renowned 
poets, orators, statesmen, kin' s and queens of 
England. From this tune onward, a n-ionrvaient 
here and tbe monument there wiU keep ei^cb 
other coraoany in the world, and bring the^e ro- 
mantic shores of the resounding outlet of Lake 
George in our native Ticonderotra into their pro- 
per relations to WC'^tminster Abliey. The travel- 
ler or tbe citizen who muses over the marble at 
the side of tbe foaming cascades here will tbioK 
also of tbe tablets, tbe storied bu^t.^, the stately 
architecture, tbe sublime anthem there. 

Everyone remembers that !■ rcnchmen discovered 
tbe St. I-awrence and the JM:.-:-is-ippi, France. 
therefoie, by right of discovery, claiuied as heis all 
land traversed Ity waters running into these riv- 
ers. Thi^? was a colossal claim. Had it been con- 
ce.led to her, it would have mad*^ North America 
French and Catbolic, in~tpad of English and Pro- 
testants; it w(nil(l have Tn:uia pretlo'iunant in the 
earlj life ot the New Wo, i-i iiic i.Mlitical absoiunsm 
of Louis XI\'., m-^tcad of the freer institutions of 
p:ngtand. (it'or^e liancioft says that not a foun- 
tain 1 'ibhled on the stm^-.t side of the Allegbanies 
»h;UFian(e did not (l.uni as her?!. It was the 
bold :ind ninjc'stic j>un.o>e of the French states- 
nien to build a hm^ of 1f.>ris and trafiir,'j.-Tio«ts 



siiipi, and at New Orleans, This stui;?!.: .- 
Cham, intended to prevent the growtli or the- i; . .; 
li^b^westward, shows vet its fragments ou:.- 
map. At tlie mouth of the St. Lawrence :in I ::.■:: 
Mississippi we ha''e today French poiit'at".'':-.', 
and a loiisr list of French names extcuus vet v: 
the way from the mouth of one river to t'jar . 
tbe other. The French and Indian v/ar was ^.r 
attempt to break the hemming links of poweri ■, 
and ambitious France, and prevent the En:;!'?: 
from being shut up forever to that narrow sin 
of'.imerica which lies eastward of t)ie Alle^i Ti- 
mes. Geoige Washiugton's earliesi nuWic -:■■- 
I vice was an effort to break one of the Freiv;?. 
links on the waters of western Pennsylvania. Y - 
] remember how Braddock was crushed when :.r 
j was hurled by tbe English against tbis ch an. 
1 Montciilm, the ablest French general whoevv-r 
I trod American soil, vvas placed m crmimand o: 
• Fort Ticonderoga, which the French erected ..i: 
1756. 

Every stone laid at Ticonderoga wais i^ 
weight of terror ou the hearts of the colon;-'-. 
Slowly ambitious France was encirclinsr the;: 
feeble outposts, and connecting two of t;:^ 
largest rivers ot North America, with a cordon >: 
fortresses, continuallv pouricg the horrors of siv/- 
agewartare upon tbelr eTtcpde.i and unprotectrl 
settlements. Schenectady blazing at midnigkr. 
the valley of Connecticut ravaged, the v/h:':? 
country of tbe Mohawk depopulated by torch ar.i: 
tomahawk, and terror, were scenes consuraiuir'.;; 
by tbe enemy, now at Crown I'o nt and liconner- 
oga, which roused to the mtensest pitcb the m;,:- 
tary spirit ot New England and excited all *,:-:• 
enthusiasm of the colonists for veui^-eance. A: 
last, having passed the matter silently tor mas;? 
years, England demanded v.'ith emphasis and de- 
cision tbe demolition ot the fort at Crown PoiLt. 
^Ybat Inefficiency or corruption had allowed to fe 
consummated diplomacy could not then retriev*. 
Fully aroused by the refusal of France to coair.'- 
with tlielr deui^fiJ, aud ^;th the finisbincr of i'y- 
fort at Ticonderoga in 1750, England in tne -ar:-:- 
year declared war. Two seasons, though the co^>. 
nists presented tbe required coBtmgents fuiiy ar.4 
promotly, were wasted by the inefficiency and de- 
lays of the British officials. Gathering boldues- 
from these failures of the colonists, Montcate 
collected tbe Indians at Tict)nderoga, and, pass??:;: 
through Lake Horicon with an "army o't n-ze 
thousand (1757), besieged and captured F- r: 
William Henry, Here occurred the masii- 
cre of the 1500, which marks the culiuina:;^ ^r 
poiit of French power upon tbe continent. 
" Dissatisfied at the conduct of the wr.r, tVie p-;- 
pie of Eneland, now thorousrhly awaKciipd to V:, ■ 
conquest of New France, at last found in Williiri 
Pitt, the greatest statesman of Eualish annaK. i 
prime minister wbo compreheaiied the want? or 
the colonies, and by who^e splendid combinat::a;- 
and stirring appeals tbe colonists were rou^^ed ro 
execute the grand plan of attacking all xir 
French fortresses at once. For this pnrp'-se i;i',- 
immense armament of Abercrombie and H«rji 
was raised. 

The splend'd historic scene of tbe passage o: 
Abercrombie tiirongb Lake Horicon on the m.^-i^n - 
ing of Jnly i^ 17.3-S, with his flotilla of nine bcs- 
drcd battearx, rafts manned with artillery, ac:! 
one bunared and thirty-four boats beanue: n-s? 
thousand provincial troops and six tbousa;5i 
British veterans against Ticonderoga, at once lie 
scourge, the terror and the coveted prize of E: :> 
land and her colonies, is familiar to all. T::-. 
magnillcent arnnnnent landed in the little coveoi. 
the west side ot tbe lake, vet relaiuiog the uj^z:-:: 
of Howe's Landing. Before noon Stark and ii:-- 
ers were pressing foiward thiouab the dear-; 
forest toward the French Ime^. four miles dist:<-.t- 
Montcalm had 4000 men and dailv expected a ■ -- 
enforcement of ;>0()0 under M, De Levi. A s"-- 
cioiubieknew this, and lience without w:>.v\::.z 
for his artillery made preparation for an uumed.-:- 
ate attack. 

Cautiously Putnam, with one hundred ran^rr? 
was sent in advance, Willie l.ieliind came the r.: 
teen tbousaiul, drawn up in four column^, "1 
front one Ie<l by the eager Howe. "Keep i).:-' i:." 
said Putnam as'they neared the rdace of cxjiei"- ' 
conflict, "Keep back, my lord; vou Fare the ;• 
and soul of the army, auii my i.ie is worr'n '• . • 
little." "Putnam," wa.> the yoiing man's on';? „;.'.- 
swi'r, "your life is ris drar to j/.u as mine is to a&e. 



It was a hot July day ot buzzinir flies and swel- 
ling leaves; the timber and the uiulerbmsU 
ood thick, and, despite their superior discipline 
id dress, Howe and tis batialion were somewhat 
)nfused. ^Vith remarkable indepeudence of 
LSbion, the youn<r nobleman had accommodated 
iniselt and" reciment to the nature ot the scr- 
ee, by cutting: oft his hair and fashioning; his 
olhes for activity. Near the bridce over thH 
rook, where, amid thick cedars and pines of 
aormous growth, it emptied into theurawimT i 
Lillet of Horicon, thev tell in with a party ot | 
rench and Indians, contused in the dense for- 
5t, while retreatins without cuide to the lines. | 
sharp report of muskets minj^linff with the roar '-. 
i the water, a rattle of balls amous the trees and 
saves, began the skirmish. At the tirst lire Howe 
3il,wlth. another officer and several privates. 
,papins behind the" trees and croiichinu: ni tbe 
nderbnish, Stark, PuTnam and Ro2;ers, with 
[leir rangers, accustomed to the Indian style of 
'arfarc, fought on. The rear columns coming up, 
pread out along the bank of the creek, and soon 
tie French battalion heard the scattering roar 
f small arms breaking out all around them. 
Q brief time, lallins one bv one. three hundred 
f their number were dead, and the remaining 
ne hundred and fifty-eight surrendered. 
Tbrownout of rank by the suirmish and the 
orest, confused for want of guides, fatigued by 
he hot sun pouring in through the branches, and, 
uost of all, discouraged bv the death ot their 
eader, the army marched back to the place of 
anding to bivouac until the next day. All that 
ii<^ht thev wept for Howe and told his virtues. 
With him," Mante, "the soui of the army 
cemed to expire. A ripple of crystal waves UD(ta 
he white, sandy beach; a gush of melo.ly from 
he whippowill in the pines; stars setting behind 
he boll western mountain mirrored in Lake 
Jeorge; but the soldiers on the bearskin couches 
ir watching by the sentinel's posts admired none 
•C them, Howe was dead. Till day appeared 
hey thought of that, and of the revenge to come. 
s'ext day the English captured the French saw- 
nilis, and the dav after, July 8, occurred the 
)altleof Ticonderoga, in which Montcalm, with 
.000 men behind the French lines on the 
•romontory yonder, defeated Abercrombie's 
5,000. , ^. 

The next year Amherst captured Ticonderoga, 
int Montcalm was m Canada at the time. The 
"rench chain was brokt^n by the capture of Que- 
)^c. AVhen on the Plains of Abraham Wolfe 
leard the cry. "They tly ! thev rty !" it was decid- 
ed that this continent was to be English and not 
b'rench. C'arlvle c?lis that battle an cp'>ch in 
ivorid history and the ihosc important ever t'>uj:ut 
m America. Ihit the btttle with Montcaiiu 
(vbich ended there began here. Thi- spot is one 
3f the edges of the Height^ of Abraham, It has 
l)een thought bv some taac had Lord Huwe iivi^d, 
?o popular was "he both in America and in i-'.ag- 
land, the Hevolution itself might have l)een post- 
poned. Lord Howe perisiierl in a great cause at 
fast victorious, and bv the truimpn of which .\1- 
iniehty God was beginning to mould to tlieir pres- 
ent form the political religious in-t\rutions of 
fvmeilca. [Mr. Cook here unveiled the monu- 
lent and said:--] , ^. , 

V\ e are not in a cemetery, but on abattle-fu-id. 
call 00 you, as this monument Is now unveiled, 
o give tiiree tnilit.ary cheers to the memoiy of 
:^id Howe, a r.riton a'nd vt t an American. 

The Hon. William E. Culkins. the U.-v. T. W. 
Foncs and the Rev. C. H. Delano toib>wed with 
riel addresses. In re-!» mse to a re'pi(?st tr,>m 
Ur. .J'lic- throe rousing < beers were i;iven to Mr. 
:ook for his generous gitt. 



a Stanley j 



A Story of Ticonderoga. I>eaa 
tells the followinf; story in Fraser's Maga- , 
zine: "la the middle of tlia last certtoxy the 
chief of the Campbells of Inverawo had beea I 
givinr? an entertainment at his casfclo on the I 
banks 01 tho Awe. The party had broken up I 
and Campbell was left a'lone. He ^-as I 
ronsed by a violent knocking at the gate, | 
and v^a.s surprised at the appearance of oa \ 
of hia guests, with torn garments and dishev- f 
elled hair, demanding admission. 'I hav-e f 
killed a man, and I am pursued by enemies, j 
I beseech you to let me in. Swearupon your s. 
dirk — upon the cruachan or hip where jv ur ■ 
dirk rests— swear by Een Cruachan— that yo'i . 
will not betray me.' Campbell swore, and | 
placed the fugitive in a secret*place in t-e 1 
house. Presently there was a second knock- ■ 
ing at the gate. It was a party of his guests, I 
wiio said, 'Your cousin Donald has been l 
killed; where is the murderer?' At this ai- f 
nouDcement Campbell remembered the s 
great oath which he had sworn, gave nn f 
evasive answer, and sent otf tfaa pursa- i 
ers in a wrong direction, He then ^ 
went to the fugitive and said, 'Y-ri \ 
have killed my cousin Donald. I can do- i 
keep you here.' The murderer appealed 'j I 
his oath, and persuaded Campbeirto let hiai \ 
stay for the night. Campbell did so, and re- s 
tired to rest, in the visions of that night thj f 
bloodstained Donald appeared to him w::a ■ 
these words 'Inverawe, Inverawe, blood L;r-d r 
been shed; shield not the murderer.' In The ; 
morning Campbell went to his guest, .-.-.1 ! 
told him that any further shelter was u-Ji- ■ 
possible. He took him, however, to a care ^ 
in Ben Cruachan, and there left him. The - 
night again closed in, and Campbell aga;n. \ 
slept;- and again the blood-stained Donald i 
appeared. 'Inverawe, Inverawe. blood ha-s 
been shed; shield not the murderer.' On ' 
the morning he went to the cave on tcie 
mountain, and the murderer had tied. Again ] 
at night he slept, and again the bloodstained \ 
Donald rose beiore him and said, 'Inverawe, ; 
Inverawe, blood has been shed. VTe shall r.jZ I 
meet again till we meet at Ticonderoga.' t 
He woke in tu.; morning, and behold i% was ' 
a dream. But the story of the triple ap- 
parition remained by him, and he often tjli , 
it among his k.r.smen, asking always wha: ' 
the ghost c( ii.d mean by this mysterious 
word of their t'-ai rendezvous. * * 

•*In 17r>8 tbf-re broke cut the French and ' 
English war in America, which after many 
rebnlls ended in the conquest of (Quebec bv • 
General "VVolfe. Campbt:?!! of Inverawe vrent 
out with the Black \\'aTcb, the forty-seconi 
Highland regiment, afterward so 'famo.:s. 
There, on the eve of an engagement, '"e 
general came to the officers and said, -vre 
had better not tell Campbell the name o! the ; 
fortress which we are to artaek tomorrow. ; 
It i.s Ticonderoga. Let us call i^ Fort G-i^-rje.' I 
Tlie a-sault took j>lace iu the morn'.--:.^. ; 
Caii!pbeli was nmrtally vrounded. He s-tit; I- 
for the general. These were his last wor is, * 
'General, you have deceived me; I have seen ■ 
him again. This is Ticonderoga.' " i 



-^ ri 



HISTORY OF THE ST. ALBANS RAID. 



ANNUAL ADDRESS 



BEFORE THE 



VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

■ 
DELIVERED AT MONTPELIER, VT., 



OJSr TTJESID^Y EVKlS-IIvra-, OCTOBER 17, lS7e, 

• By Hon. EDWARD A. SOWLES. 



SJ 






■^r'^ji^ 






ST. ALBANS: 

Messenger Peinting Woeks. 
IS 76. 



h 



1^£30LUT10IM AND j]!!oRREgPONDENCE. 



! ' v^ The following Joint Resolution was adopted by the Senate 

^" and House of Representatives, at their biennial session, 1S7G : 

,?,,_^ Resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives, That the Secretary of 

^'^i the -Senate be and is hereby directed to procure the printing in pamphlet 

Z form of fifteen hundred copies of the address delivered before the Yer- 

.. , mont Historical Society on the 17th instant, by the Hon. Edward A. Sowles. 

D"-- That there be furnished to each member of the Senate and House of Eep- 

^jesentatives two copies; to each To\vn Clerk, one copy; to each college, 

■^S normal school and academy in this state, one copy ; to the Governor, each 

• ^oi the heads of departments, and each Judge of the Supreme Court, one 

^ copy ; to the State Library, two hundred copies ; to the Vermont Histori- 

->^^ cal Society, two hundred and fifty copies, and that the remaining copies 

• shall be divided between the public libraries in the State not otherwise 

/ suppHed, under the direction of the State Librarian. 

- ^, The following letter was addressed to Hon. Edward A. 

f Sowles : 
^! Office of the Seceetaey of the Senate,) 

. i MoNTPEiiiEK, Vt., Octobeb 23, 187t>. ) 

£--^ Dear Sir : By a joint resolution adopted by the Senate and House of 

Eepresentatives, I am directed to procure the printing of fifteen hundred 
"" \ copies of the address delivered by you before the Vermont Historical 
^, Society on the 17th instant, at MontpeHer, on " The St. Albans Raid." 
^ I would respectfully request you to furnish me with a copy of the 
j^ above mentioned address for publication as soon as convenient. 
^■'^ • I am, Sir, your humble servant, 

F. W. BALDVN^m, Secretary of tlie Senate. 
To which the following reply was received : 
7 " — Senate Chaaiber, Montpeliek, Vt., Oct., 2."^, 1876. 

f^5v^., Dear Sir: Your favor of the 2od inst., informing me officially that a 
joint resolution adopted by the Senate and House of Eepresentatives 
directed you to procure the printing of fifteen hundred copies of my ad- 
dress delivered before the Vermont Historical Society in the Eepresenta- 
tives' Hall, at Montpelier, on the 17th inst., on " The St. Albans Eaid," is 
received. 

The address was prepared hastily, without any expectation that I 
should be called on by the Legislature to furnish a copy for pubhcation. 
My private engagements and official duties have been such as to prevent a 
revision of the same. This, alone, might be ground for hesitancy in 
complying with the flattering request. I have concluded, however, to 
furnish it, trusting that the printer will correct and the public overlook 
all imperfections that may appear in so hastily wTitten a production. 
Yours Very Eespectfully, 

EDWAED A. SOWLES. 



.\, l\- ■■>(. 



, PROCEEDINGS OF 
Jh^ ^ZnfAOHT j4lgT0F^ICAJ. ^OCIETY, 

AT THE ANNUAL MEETING, 1876. 



The annual meeting of the Vermont Historical Society was called to 

order in room No. 12, in the State House, at Montpelier, on Tuesday, | 

October 17th, 18 7G, at 2 p. m. I 

The records of the last meeting were read and approved. f 

On motion, the following gentlemen were appointed .a committee to | 

nominate officers for the coming year: Samuel Wells, Dr. P. D. Bradford | 

and Charles Dewey. | 

The Librarian's report was read by Mr. M. D. Gilman, the librarian, | 

showing that the number of additions to the collections of the Society for | 

the last two years is 4, 784, for which acknowledgement has been made to | 

each donor, | 

The Treasurer's report was read by Col. H, D. Hopkins, and ordered | 

recorded. | 

E. B. Campbell, of Brattleboro, and J. G. Darling, of Bcifton. were ( 

elected honorary members. | 

The committee on nominations reported a list of officers for the ensu- | 

ing year. Kev. Dr. Lord declined a re-election as president, and the I 

report was on motion recommitted. Charles "W. Porter and -John W. | 

Page were elected members of the Society. The following nominations f 

were reported and the gentlemen named elected officers of the Society : | 

President — Hon. E. P. Walton, of Montpelier. > |: 

Vice-Presidents — Hon. James Barrett, of Woodstock, Luther L. | 

Butcher, of St. Albans, and Kev. Wm. S. Hazen, of Northtield, | 

Eecording-Secretarj' — Chas. W. Porter, of Montpelier. I 

Corresponding-Secretaries — Hon- G. G. Benedict, of Burlington, O. 
S. BUss, of Georgia. 

Treasurer — John Yv\ Page, of Montpelier. 

Librarian — Marcus D. Gilman, of Montpelier. 

Curators — Hon. R. S. Taft, of Burlington; H. A. Cutting. M. D., of 

Lunenburgh ; Hon. Gilbert A. Davis, of Beading; Piev. W. 11. Lord, D. ";' 

D., of Montpelier, and H. A. Huse, Esq., of Montpelier. » 

Printing and Publishing Committee — Ex. Gov. Hiland Hall, of Benning- 
ton; Hon. E. P. WaHon, of Montpelier, llev. W. H, Lord, of .^fontpelier. i 



•>i lv.ri:;M aft 
•';i{.':'ji'T ri't 



Aim.. 
•JO 

OS v 






O 



President Walton, on taking the chair, read the following 
letter from T. W.Wood : 

MONTPELIEK, Vt., Oct. 17, 1870. 

Hon. E. p. Walton: 

My Dear Sir — "SYill you do me tlie favor to present to the Vermont 
Historical Society the portrait of Eev. Wm. H. Lord, D. D., which I 
have painted for the Society, with the hope that it may be the commence- 
ment of a collection of portraits of men who- make the histoiy of our 
State ? Yery Tndy Yours, 

T. W. WOOD. 

Hon. Joseph Poland offered the following resolutions, 
which were adopted : 

Resolved, That the hearty thanks of this Society be, and hereby are, 
tendered to the Artist, Thomas W. Wood, Esq., of ]\Iontpelier, for the 
presentation of the accurate and tinely executed portrait of its retiring 
president, the Eev. Dr. William H. Lord. 

Resolved further, That the Secretary and Librarian be reqiiested to ar- 
range with the proper othcers for a suitable place in the State-House for 
its preservation and exhibition. 

Resolved, That the Secretars^ and Librarian of this Society be, and are 
hereby directed, to receive such portraits of eminent and worthy citizens 
of the State as may be presented for preservation, and cause the same to 
be properly placed in the capitol. 

Resolved, That a committee of five, to be appointed by the President, 
be raised to co-operate in behalf of thiij Society in such celebrations as 
may be had on Vermont centennial days in 1877, at Westminster, NVind- 
sor, Hubbardton and Bennington. 

Hon. G. A. Davis offered the following resolution, which 
was adopted : 

Resolved, That the Treasurer of the Society be required to give a good 
and sufficient bond, for such sum as the Finance Committee shall deem 
necessary for the safety of the funds of the Society. 

Dr. P. D. Bradford offered the following resolution, which 
was adopted : 

Resolved, That the Eecording-Secretary is requested to prepare com- 
plete lists of the resident, con-esponding, and honoraiy members of the 
Society, for publication with the proceedings. 

• A revolutionai-y relic of great interest, a sword of the war of the rev- 
olution, was presented by Miss Hcmenway. 



The Society then adjourned to half-past seven o'clock p. m., then to 
meet in the hall of the House of Kepresentatives, to be addressed by the 
Hon. Edward A. Sowles, of St. Albans, on the so-called " St. Albans 
Raid." 

E\'ENrN'G SESSION. 

The Society met and was addressed by* Hon. Edward A. Sowles, when 
it adjourned to October 24th, 3 o'clock, p. ni. 

OCTOBEE 24, 1870. 

The Society met pursuant to adjournment. 

The President appointed the committee on Vermont Centennial days 
in 1877 as follows : Hon. Hiland Hall, of Bennington ; Eev P. F. Barn- 
ard, of Westminster; Eev. Franklin Butler, of Windsor: Hon, Gilbert 
A. Davis, of Eeading, and Cyrus -Jennings, Esq,, of Hubbardton. 

The follovdng named gentlemen were admitted to membership in the 
Society, to wit. : Hon. Oscar E. Buttei-field, Wilmington ; Eev. James 
H. Babbitt, of Waitsfield: George E. Eaton, Esq., of Danville, and Geo. 
W. Wing, A. W. Ferrin and Charles Guernsey, of Montpelier. 

The Society adjourned without day. ( 



ft.it 



Address, 



The St. Albans Raid.— In July 1863, S. R. Mallory, Secre- 
tary of the Navy of the so called Confederate States of America, 
sent twenty-seven commissioned officers and forty petty officers 
to Canada, to organize an expedition against Johnson's Island 
in Sandusky Bay, in the State of Ohio, for the purpose of 
releasing several thousands of Confederate prisoners of war, 
there held by the United States Government The facts as 
there ascertained were reported to the Confederate Congress in 
December 1863. 

On the 20th of December, 1863, Hon. WilHam H. Seward, 
then Secretary of State, sent a dispatch to Hon. Chai-les 
Francis Adams, American Minister at the Court of St. James, 
for Earl Russell, British Foreign Minister, refei-ring to Mr. 
Mallory 's report, in which he said : '* In the opinion of this 
Government, a toleration in Great Britain, or in those 
provinces, of the practices avowed by the insurgents, after the 
knowledf^e of them now communicated to his lordship, would 
not be neutiality, but would be a permission to the enemies of 
the United States to make war* against them from British 
shores." 

On the 20th of May, 186-i, the Hon. J. F. Howard, United 
States Consul at St. John, N. B., likewise communicated to 
Mr. Seward information that an unusually large number of dis- 
loyal citizens of the United States had quite recently passed 
that city en route for Canada via Fredricton and Riviere du 
Lovp. 



' ' ■ ? ■ • ■ \ 

The greater part of these insurgents had been living for | 

some months in HaHfax — others had found their ^vaj north | 

from Nassau and Bermuda. The rebel general Frost had also I 
then recently proceeded to Canada from St. John, N. B. - 1: 

On the 31st of May, 1864, Mr. Seward officially coi-imuni- i 

cated the facts contained in Mr. Howard's letter to Lord j 

Lyons, British Minister at Washington, and the latter trans- | 

mitted the same to Viscount Monck, then Governor-General | 

of Canada, as well as to the British Government. . I 

On the 29th of July, 18G4, Col. E. H. Hill, in command ] 

at Detroit, Michigan, communicated to , General Dix, in com- ; 

mand of the Department of the East, that certain leading men I 

of the South had found their way through the Union lines into | 

the 'neighboring provinces of Canada, and it was soon ascer- I 

tained beyond question that Jacob Thompson, formerly l 

Secretary of the Interior, C. C. Clay, Jr., and George TT. | 

Saunders, formerly members of the U. S. Congress, were the ! 
accredited agents of the Confederate States in Canada, ' I 

stationed at Niagara and other important points. I 

The pui'poses of their mission became very apparent to "Mr. I 

Seward and Mr. Stanton, Secretary of War. Accordingly. ^Ir. | 

Sewai'd, on the 9th of August, 18G1, again enclosed to Lord | 

Lyons, copies of communications '4n regard to reported hostile | 

projects of insurgent citizens of the United States lurking in I 

Canada, with a view to inquiry into the matter, and to the f 

adoption of precautionary measures. ''Lord Lyons, as it ap- | 

peai'S fi'om the coiTespondence, i)laced the British Government I 

in full possession of all the facts. I 

About the 20th of November, 18G3, Governor Smith, then I 

Governor of Vermont, doubtless alarmed at the demonstra- | 

tions, asked the War Department at Washington for 5,000 | 

rifled muskets, a large quantity of ammunition, horses for a I 

battery, and authority to station troops at Swanton, St. | 

Albans and Burlington. Col. Ludlow was sent to Vermont by I 

Major General Dix, on the 25th of November, 18G3. ,and on I 

the 28 th of November, General Dix telegraphed Mr. Stan. | 

ton, as follows: " Colonel Ludlow telegraphs all ' is arranged | 

well in Vermont." On the 30th of November, 1663, Mr. | 



Seward sent a dispatch to Lord Lyons, as follows : " In tiie 
present peaceful aspect of afi^irs we shall not make any such 
military demonstrations, or preparations on the Vermont line, 
as General Dix suggests. Nor shall I call on Her Majesty's 
Government for any special attention in that direction." 

In October, 1864, as it appears from testimony taken by 
the writer to be used before the Mixed Commission on Ameri- 
can and British claims, there were between 15,000 and 20,000 
of these insurgents domiciled and lurking about in the Provinces 
of Canada. The Doiion-McDonald Government of Canada 
had been in favor of active steps to preserve strict neutrality 
towards the United States, and had sometime previously to 
the 20th of November, 1863, detected and prevented a con- 
spiracy to commit a raid on Johnson's Island by the use of 
barges to be loaded with these insurgents, and to be towed by 
steamers through the Lachine Canal into Lake Erie, and 
thence into Sadusky Bay. But this strong array of Southem- 
? ers, by means of their social qualities, and the fi^ee use of 
money, had succeeded in creating a sentiment in Canada, ad- 
verse to the Northern States, which, together with the hostility 
of the friends of the Cartier-McDonald Government, tended to 
the overthrow of th§ Dorion-McDonald Government after 
beiug in power only eighteeen months, and the restoration of 
the Cartier-McDonald Government, with their consequent 
fi:iendly relations to the Southern Confederacy. 

The testimony taken to be used before the Mixed Commiss- 
ion, and such as was taken at the Military trial of the assass- 
ins of President Lincoln and the assailants of Secretary Sew- 
ard, and the criminal trial of John H. Suratt ; the expedition 
of Bennett G. Burley and acting Master John Y. Beail, after- 
wai-ds hung by order of General Dix, in New- York harbor, 
for piracy; in the capture of the steamers "Philo Parsons" and 
"Island Queen;" in theii- elTorts to reach Johnson's Island and 
to likewise capture or destroy the U. S. Steamer " Michigan," 
then guarding rebel prisoners on that island, on the 19 th of 
September 1864 ; the St. Albans raid under Lieut. Bennett 
H. Young, on the 19th of October 1864; the effort of Dr. 
Blackburn to send clothing infected with yellow fever and 



I 

small pox from Canada into the United States, to depopulate 
the loyal people of the north, and the assassination of Presi- 
dent Lincoln on the 14th of April, 1865, taken in connection 
with the letter of C. C. Clay Jr., to the Hon. J. P. Benjamin, 
Secretary of the Confederate States, bearing date Nov. 1st, 
1864, and that of Jacob Thompson to the same person under ; 

date of Dec. 3d, 1864, and the fact that John Wilkes Booth ; 

was proven to have been in Canada in secret consultation 
with Thompson and Sanders before the St. Albans raid, and I 

likewise a short time before the assassination of President 
Lincoln — all show conclusively to the mind of any reader, ' 

that there was a conspiracy plotted and organized in Canada ; 

to commit all those outrages by means of raids, murders and \ 

assassination, as a last resort to save that so-called " Southern | 

Confederacy, as Alexander H. Stevens then said, "whose f 

comer stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is net I 
equal to the white man — that slavery — subordination to the ' 

superior race — is his natural and normal condition.'' ' I 

This biings us to an intelligent understanding of the origin ; 
of the St. Albans raid, and now we may the better trace its i 
progress, consummation and results as a part of a great con- I 
spiracy. . | 

On that memorable 19th day of October, 1864, at about the I 
same hour that Sheridan was pursuing the rebels in the I 
Shenandoah Valley, and a company of St. Albans Boys, with ? 
other Vermont soldiers, were hotly engaged with the enemy I 
at the battle of Cedar Creek, about three o'clock in the after- | 
noon — parties of from three to five persons — numbeiing in all j 
from twenty to fifty persons, then domiciled or commorant J 
within Her Majesty's provinces of Canada, in the form and ap- I 
pearance of a military array, took forcible and armed pos- I 
session of a part of the village of St. Albans, under Lieutenant ( 
Bennett H. Young as their leader, for the general intent and I 
purpose of cariwing on and committing acts of forcible depre- ' 
dations, rapine and war, from the provinces of Canada as a | 
base of operations, and as a shelter for immediate retreat, '^ 
against and upon the persons and property of unarmed and 
peaceable citizens of St. All^ans. They were armed with large ; 






-; ..i'< '■■ 






i U; 



•0 



H 

navy revolvers, concealed under a loose coat, and had belts and 
traveling bags or haversacks thrown across their shoulders. 

They Urst made a secret and simultaneous attack upon the 
three banks in the village, closed the outer doors and made 
prisoners of their inmates. 

In the First National Bank, Albert Sowles, the cashier, 
was present. He testifies as follows : " One of these strangers 
approached the counter on the other side of which I was stand- 
ing opposite him. As he came up to the counter, he sud- 
denly drew from a ' a holster ' with which he was equipped, a 
large navy revolver, and, cocking and pointing the same at me, 
said, 'if you offer any resistance I will shoot you dead, you 
are my prisoner.' ' 

At this moment two other strangers similarly equipped, 
came into the bank, one of them remaining at, and guarding 
the door, while the other passed behind the counter where I 
was standing, and went to the iron safe of the bank, in my rear, 
which contained the funds of the bank, and commenced stuff- 
ing bank bills, bonds, treasury notes and other securities into 
his pockets. After he had filled his pockets, he commenced 
throwing bonds, bank bills and treasury notes and private pa 
pers across the counter to his confederates on the other side, 
who took them and filled their pockets in like manner. I was 
greatly intimidated and considered my hfe in danger. While 
these things were going on, one of the party said ' we repre- 
sent the Confederate States of America and we come here to 
retaliate for acts committed against our people by General 
Sherman.' He said * it will be of no use to offer any resist- 
ance, as there are a hundi'ed soldiers belonging to our party in 
your village.' He said ' you have got a very nice village here, 
and if there is the least resistance to us, or any of our men 
are shot, we shall burn the village.' He said, these are our 
orders, and each man is sworn to carryjthem out.' " 

These men took fi'om this bank §58,000. The cashier was 
taken prisoner and placed under guard on the public park in 
fi'ont of the banking house. As they were marching him out 
of the bank, William H. Blaisdell, a clothier, and customer of 
the bank, coming up, caught hold of one of the guard 'and 



•:./,¥•'■ I 



12 



threw him from the steps of the bank to the ground. Two of i 

the party hastened back, one of them shouting-, "shoot him, | 

shoot him," giving this order to the man tinder Blaisdell. They ' 

then took Blaisdell with other citizens across the street to the i 

public park, where there were a number of persons then under j 
guard. 

The names of the persons who made this attack upon \ 

this btok, as afterwards ascertained, were Joseph McGrooty, | 

Alexander Pope Bruce and Caleb McDowell Wallace, the latter \ 

claiming to be a nephew of the late Senator Crittenden, a dis- \ 

tino'uished statesman from Kentucky. \ 

General John. Nason, brigadier-general of Tolunteers, a 

man nearly eighty years old, was in the bank during the whole I 

affray and was engaged in reading a newspaper. He was deaf, \ 

and not'hearing what had transpired, but seeing the brandish- I 

ing of revolvers, he inquired of Sowles, "What gentlemen are \ 
those? It seems to me they are rather rude in their 
behavior." 

At the St. Albans Bank, Cyrus N. Bishop, Assistant Cashier, 

and Martin A. Seymour, Clerk, w^ere present. Mr. Bishop \ 

testified : " Two strangers stepped up to the coimter in the \ 

bank together, and at once presented revolvers at me over the i 

counter. I immediately ran into the directors' room and un- | 

dertook to shut the door, but they seized hold of the door be- \ 

fore I had closed it, aud pressing hard against it, succeeded in j 

pushing it open. They then seized hold of me with one hand I 

and pointed large navy revolvers at me vdth. the other, which \ 

revolvers were cocked, threatening to blow my brains out if I I 

made any resistance or gave any alarm. At that moment three I 

other strangers entered the bank, each with a revolver in his ! 

hand. Then they inquired where we kept our gold and silver. I 

I said to them that we had not any gold, but we had a few | 

hundred dollars in silver, which was in a small safe in that I 

room. The safe being locked, they forced me to unlock it by I 

threatening my life. One of them stood guard at the i 

entrance of the bank and two more stood guard over ]\Ir. Sey- i 

mour, the clerk, and myself, while the other two proceeded to I 

ta]:o llie money out of the safes and from the table where I \ 



I 



13 • 

was at work when they first entered the bank. xVs they took 
the money, they stuffed it into their pockets and haver- 
sacks, which were skmg across their shoulders. I asked 
them 'what is your programme?' They said that they were 
Confederate soldiers from General Early's army in the 
Shenandoah Yalley. They said that they had come here to 
rob us and burn our town, and they had it under their control 
at that moment. They then said they would administer the 
oath of the Confederate States to me. The leader of the gang 
then proceeded to administer some kind of an oath to me. He 
compelled me to raise up my right hand and called upon me to 
solemnly swear that I would not give alarm or fire upon the 
Confederate soldiers. That is about all I can remember of the 
oath in question. At the same tune they threatened Mr. 
Seymour's life, and administered a similar oath to him. 
About this time Samuel Breck came to the outer door. One 
of the party took bold of him by the collar with one hand, 
presenting a revolver at him with the other. This person 
demanded Mr. Breck's money. Mr. Breck replied, 'It is private 
property,' when this man said, 'I don't care a d — n for that.' 
After taking his money, he was forced by the party into the 
directors' room, and there with ISIx. Seymour and myself 
detained as prisoner.'' 

IVlr. Seymour's testimony was substantially like that of 
!Mr. Bishop, only he says his captor said, " Not a word out of 
your head. We are here to retaliate for the doings of General 
Sheridan in the Shenandoah Yalley. There are seventy-five men 
of us in town. We have got possession of your town and are 
going to bm-n it." During tliis time the leader of the gang 
administered what he called. the "' Confederate oath,' that we 
would do nothing to injure the interests of the Confederate 
•Government ; that we would not fire upon any of its soldiers 
now in town, and that we would not tell any one they had 
been there within two hours after they had left." They took 
fi-om this bank $73,522. Mr. Bishop afterwards identified 
three of the gang in open court, who gave their names as 
Thomas Bronsdon Collins, Marcus Speer and Square Turner 
Travis. 



■ " I 

At tlie Franklin County Bank, JMarCus W. Beardsley, I 

cashier, and one Jackson Clark, a wood sawyer, were present, ;, 

and the treatment of these men was more brutal in its char- | 

acter, if possible, than either of the others. Mr. Beardsley f 

testified: "Three or four strangers came into the bank at the | 

same time, and took position near the window opening into | 

the street. I supposed they were waiting for the man stand- ' 

ing at the counter to complete his • business. In a moment J: 

after, one of the men who had last entered the bank stepped a I 

few paces towards the counter and drew from under his coat a | 

large revolver and cocking it, pointed it directly at me without | 

a word being said. AYhile holding it pointed at me, the | 

stranger who had first entered the bank s^ooke to me sa,ying, I 

*We are Confederate soldiers, sir. There are one hundi-ed of | 

us in town. We have come ^o rob the banks and bui*n your * 

town and we are going to do it.' This he spoke in a very I 

determined sort of a way, and I was much alarmed. j 



At that time a man in my employ, being alarmed at the 



demonstrations that were being made, started for the door. I 



He was immediately arrested by one of the men, who put a i 

pistol to his head and said, ' I will blow your brains out if you ^ 

stir another inch.' Clark was ordered to be put into the vault | 

of the bank. The man in command then ordered me 'to j 

bring first all of the greenbacks you have got, and then all the | 

other moneys of your- bank.' I opened the drawer and gave i 
him all the greenbacks we had. During this time two other " j 

men, who had put Clark into the vault, were filling their j 

pockets and haversacks, which they had thrown across their I 

shoulders, with the bills of the bank, fi'om an ii'on-safe stand- j 

ing within the vault, the door of which was open. j 

All the men were soon thus engaged, excepting one, who ! 

stood at the door at the entrance of the bank. At this time j 

one of the men brought out of the vault a small tin trunk, and | 
said to mo, 'What is this'?' I told him it belonged to the Tel- 
ler of the bank, who was absent. He asked me what was in it. 
I told him I did not know. He then said with an oath, '1 
will know what is in it.' He then undertook to force the 
cover off, but failing, threw it aside. Then he stood up in 



I 

IM'v '. 
•ri.yf i 



^■.iH U' I 



., . . . J.: 



. 15 

I 

front of me and with an oath said, 'you keep quiet or I will 

blow your brains out.' By this time they had got all the 
moneys of the bank. The men all came out of the vault, ex- 
cepting Ciark, *• 

The leader then spoke to me and said, 'Come, you must go 
into the vault.' I told him it was an air-tight place and I 
could not live in there. I said, ' I understand what 'your object 
is. It is that I shall give no alarm.' He replied, 'no matter, 
you have got to go in.' He took me by the shoulders and put 
me into the vault where Clark was. I was satisfied that if I 
made any resistance they would shoot me. • . 

They then shut the two sets of iron doors which enclosed 
the vault, and turned the bolts from the- outside, so that we 
could not get out. I very much feared the building was going 
to be burned, as they had stated. In about twenty minutes I 
heard footsteps and conversatiorP in the banking room, and I 
made a noise on the door to attract attention. This was heard 
without and the doors were unbolted and we cam.e out of the 
vault. The persons who opened the vault doors were J. R. 
Armington and Dana R. Bailey. I found myself in a very 
prostrate condition, owing to the close atmosphere in a small 
vault, and the intense fear and anxiety that I had passed 
through." 

The amount taken from the bank was about 870,000, and 
the only person indentified as having participated in the 
affair was "William H. Hutchinson, who resided in the State of 
Georgia, and who, by "the fortunes of war" had lost a large 
fortune on account of his secession procli\dties. Lieutenant 
Young had prepared '-a proclamation" which he designed to 
have read to the people of St. Albans, but in his hasty retreat 
failed to do so. It recited, in terms, the purpose of theu' mis- 
sion, which was retaliation. The original was found at the time 
but could not afterwards be found. 

What transpired in the streets immediately after the plunder- 
ino^ of the banks is best described in the testimony of Capt. 
George P. Conger, then a late captain of one of the Vermont 
Cavalry companies, who had just returned from the war, and 
who had seen many raids in Yirginia. He says: "On that day, 



h 



16 

a little after three o'clock in the afternoon, I rode into the 
northerly part of the village of St. Albans from the east. I 
saw a great crowd of people towards the south part of the 
business portion of the village, around the American House 
and one of the banks. I met one Basford running his horse 
towards me, and he said, 'What is going on down street? 
there are ' men with pistols, taking horses from the stables,' 
and wanted to know what it all meant. I said to him, 'It is 
a regular raid.' I then jumped from my team and came 
south. The first one of the band I met was in command, 
whom I afterwards learned was Lieutenant Bennett H. Young, 
as he gave me his name and that of his orderly. He said, 
*Are you a soldier f I said, 'No.' Then he said, you are my 
prisoner, come with me to the other side of the green, opposite 
the American House.' I went with him. I said, 'I will take 
the sidewalk, as the road is all mud.' When he got opposite 
the Franklin County bank, near the American House, Lieuten- 
ant Young said, 'Halt!' He said to his orderly, 'You take 
him across the street.' There were a number of citizens under 
guard across the street, on the public green, at the time. I 
made up my mind that I would not be arrested by the band. 
I got away fi'om them and ran into the American House, and 
down stairs, and down Lake street by the back way and then 
halloed to the people, 'Bring on your arms for a fight; there 
is a regular raid on St. Albans.' Then I came back in fi'ont 
of the American House, dressed in disguise. About that time 
I \)egaD to rally the citizens, and fire arms began to come in. 
The band saw the arms coming, and they began to move north. 
Then Lieut. Young fell in the rear with his orderly. He says 
'Keep cool boys!' 'Keep cool!' One Downing says, 'Here is 
a rifie, sure fire, and well loaded.' I snapped it three times at 
Young, but it did not go oif. I then followed on north and 
got some caps for guns. I then put on a new cap and came 
near to them. Then Young and his orderly both fired at me 
twice. He then said, 'Keep cool boys,' a second time. His 
command at this time were all on horseback. I then overtook 
them again, with a largo number of citizens, a litth^ further 
north, opposite the Tremont House, then one of the piincipal 



17 . 

hotels in the village, and tried to fire again. Then the firing 
began on both sidies and continued a running fire all through 
the streets until the band were driven out of the village 
towards Canada." 

While this firing was going on, Elias J. Morrison, of 
Manchester, N. H., a contractor engaged in building the 
Welden House, was mortally wounded by a bullet passing 
into his bowels, and died from his wounds on the 22d of 
October/ 18G4. Mr. Morrison was a sympathizer with the 
South on the issues growing out of the rebellion. He had held 
conversation with one or two of the raiders at tiie hotel 
a few days before the raid, in which he disclosed to them his 
sentiments, not suspecting the real character and purposes 
of the men. They afterwards, on learning the facts, said that 
the shot was not designed for i\Ii\ Morrison, but for other 
persons skulking behind shade trees in the act of firing 
revolvers at them. 

Collins H. Huntington, Esq., of St. Albans, was likewise shot 
while walking on the street, the ball passing into the body and 
striking a bone, caused it to change its course and thereby 
saved his life. He was shot by Lieutenant Young, who oi'dered 
him to "to halt," which he declined to do, but bravely marched 
along, not heeding his threats. He was in a critical condition 
for several weeks and finally recovered fi'om his injuries. 

Lorenzo Bingham was shot in the side, but the wound 
proved to be a slight one cand he soon recovered. 
• Capt. Conger adds: "I then said to the citizens, 'bring on 
youi* horses, men and arms, and we will follow them.' I said, 
'if you can't get arms there is no use of following them, they 
are going to fight hard.' The citizens did find horses and 
some arms, and I, in command, pursued this band and came 
near them at Sheldon, Vermont. They were trying to set 
buildings on fire, but we pursued them so closely they were 
obliged to leave. They set two bridges on fire Across the 
river, in order to cut off our pursuit, but my men .put out the 
fires. It was now nearly dark. My command then began to 
falter, as they were not used to such service, but kept following 
up until we got to Enosburgh Falls, Yermont. I said to my 



18 

men, 'I want you to follow me. I am going to follow these 
men into Canada, we have got to have another fight, and I 
want none unless the}^ are willing to- fight.' There were 
twenty-two of them who had kept up, and were willing to fol- 
low me wherever I wished to take them. I then marched on 
'a still hunt' to Frelighsburgh in the Province of Canada. I 
then formed my men in front of the main hotel in line. I then 
entered the hotel with an orderly to see if I could find any of 
the band. I learned that the band had broken and dispersed 
in every direction on crossing the line in Canada. 

I ordered the arrest of every one of the band that could be 
found. It occurred to me at this moment that I was in 
Canada, and I therefore ordered my men back into the State 
of Vermont. 

It was now near morning and after we had got our break- 
fast, I said to my men, I am going back into Canada, and ail 
my men followed me. I gave them orders to take the men 
comprising said band wherever found, dead or alive. As I was 
coming in sight of Frelighsburgh, Canada, I saw a man ap- 
proaching me on the run. I ordered a halt. The man gav» 
me a dispatch from General Dix, forwarded by Colonel Eed- 
field Proctor from Burlington and by Constable L. A. Drew as 
bearer to Colonel Benton at St. Albans, and thence by 'Mr. 
Drew to Frelighsburgh. It was as follows : ' Send all the 
efficient force you have and try to find the marauders who 
came from Canada this morning. Put a discreet officer in 
command, and in case they are not found on one side of the 
line pursue them into Canada, if necessary, and destroy them.'" 

Such an order could only be justifiable, under the law of 
nations, where the neutral is so feeble as to render it impos- 
sible to preserve neutrality — which could not have been said 
of Great Britain — and hence the order was not sanctioned by 
the Government at Washington, and all that was done under 
it was attended with extreme peril to our citizens. Never- 
theless, the. order accomplished its purposes in awakening 
Great Britain to her sense of danger, chiefiy .because it had the 
ring of that celebrated order, "If any man hauls down the flag 
shoot him on the spot."' 



19 ' 

Capt. Newton, in command of another company, took a 
westerly route, with a view of catting- off the retreat of the 
band, but was unable to do so for want of time. 

The reign of terror in the village of St. Albans, during the 
attack and immediately following it, was fearful. Plunder had 
been accomplishd and violence followed. The raid w^as brief 
but the scene was terrible while it lasted. The twenty or 
more marauders rushed up and down the streets, firing their 
revolvers in every direction. Wherever they saw a citizen, or 
groups of men, they would fire in that direction. As they re- 
treated, they fired indiscriminately at men, women and 
children, in their houses, and as they were fleeing from them. 
They had magnificent arms — seven shooters — and as fast as 
one wectpon was unloaded, they drew another and kept up 
the fusilade. 

This reckless use of firearms could only result in injury to 
some, and the 'citizens soon began to return the fire with great 
courage. The marauders designed to have burned the village 
by the use of chemicals, known as "Greek fire," which they 
threw in vials against the buildings on the streets, breaking 
and igniting as they struck. The rear of the American 
House and the store of Hon. Victor Atwood were fired in this 
manner, and water appeared to have no impression on it as an 
extinguisher. If could only be arrested and extinguished by 
hewing it out of the wood. 

Indeed, this terror was not confined to the scene of conflict 
alone. It spread with the rapidity of lightning throughout 
the la,nd, and threw consternation into homes and villages 
along the entire northern frontier, contiguous to the Provinces 
of Canada, and especially on the northern border of Vermont. 
At Montpelier the Legislature was in session and the excite- 
ment Tvas intense. It was the prevailing opinion that these 
marauders w^ere but the advance guards of an army fi*om 
Canada, which had, by surprise or collusion, temporarily over- 
powered their local government, and were marching through 
our State canning all the horrors of war to our homes and 
firesides. 

Hon. John W. Stewart was then a member of the Legis- 



iii 



>..' .(l.iJJ, 



;.r ''5,':i III'" ■ . 



:•/•' „::?-T;"h Od' 






.■•: I rj.'' if" 



20 

latnrc and was appointed a committee to wait on Gov. Smith 
in the Executive chamber, and advise with him in regard to 
the emergency. General Washbnrn was Hkewise present and 
apparently evinced as much anxiety and concern as at the 
battle of Big Bethel. 

After a council of war, Gov. Smith telegraphed Lord Monck, 
Governor-General of Canada, as follows: "A party of raiders 
from the Province of Canada have invaded thii5 State, have 
robbed all the banks m St. Albans, killed sevei-al citizens, and 
are plundering and destroying property." On the 21st of 
October, 1864, Lord Monck replied, '^Your telegram has been 
received. You need entertain no apprehension that the law 
will not be impartially administered. An able magistrate. 
Judge Coursol of Slontreal, has charge of the case." 

At Burlington the wildest consternation prevailed. It was 
reported that the advance was general and the raiders had 
captured one of the steamers belonging to the Champlain"^ 
Transportation Company, with a view to an attack upon all the 
principal ports on the lake. Oscar A. Burton, Esq., President 
of the Company, was interviewed and immediately sent a 
telegram to Bouses Point, N. Y., inquinng for particulars, and 
on learning that the report was unfounded, ordered the steamers 
at Bouses Point to be moved away fi'orn the moorings out into 
the lake to avoid surprise. He also furnished the crews of the 
various steamers with revolvers, m order to prevent and sup- 
press pii'acy, such as had occurred on the 7th of December 
previously, to the steamer "Chesapeake," about twenty miles 
from Cape Cod, when certain disloyal men embai'ked at Xew 
York City for Portland, Maine, shot some of the ofiicers and 
took control of the vessel, running her into a British port. 

A general alarm was given and the citizens assembled in 
large numbers. Speeches were made and the press, under the 
direction of Hons. G. G. Benedict and George H. Bigelow, 
faithfully chronicled the important events. A military com- 
pany was organized on the spot. A train of cars was at once 
dispatched to St. Albans, carrying volunteers. 

Colonel Benton was placed in command of the niilitia at St. 
Albans, and Colonel Proctor at Burlington. Major Grout was 



$ 



soon after ordered to St. Albans with four companies of 
cavalry and two tield pieces, where lie remained a long time. 
At Ogdensburg, Buffalo, Detroit and many other places, the 
excitement was great and military operations became active 
and efficient, and so continued that fall and winter. Humors 
of contemplated attacks filled the air until the following 
spring. The streets of the principal northern villages v/ere 
patroled during that fall and winter. On the 19th of 
December, 1864, Mr. Seward sent a dispatch to Minister 
Adams for Earl Russell, in which he aptly described the situa- 
tion. He said: "While disappointment, disgust and regret on 
account of the escape of the felons at Montreal are expressed 
by the Canadian authorities, and while the expression is 
believed to be sincere, yet we have no authentic information 
that any proceedings have been taken to vindicate the so called 
neutrality of the British pro^-inces, or prevent repetition of 
the injuries of which we complained, otlier than the unavailing 
renewed pursuit of the offenders out of one colony into 
another. This is the condition of affairs on the other side of 
the boundary. 

On this side there has- been intense feeling and energetic 
action.* Congress has passed a law authorizing the building 
and equipment of six steam revenue cutters for service on the 
lakes. 

The House of Eepreseutatives has passed and sent to the 
Senate, a bill which requests the President to give notice 
needful for bringing to an end the reciprocity treaty. Mr. 
Chandler, one of the Senators of Michigan in Congress, has 
submitted to the Senate resolutions of which a copy is hereto 
annexed. In submittinnf them, he discussed with severity and 
frankness the relations of the United States and the British 
Provinces. ****** 

Thus it appears that owing to transactions, for which the 
United States believe themselves perfectly ii-re sponsible, a 
crisis has been reached, which does not suffer American 
citizens living in, or near, the British border, to navigate the 
frontier lakes and rivers in safety. 

Their treasure is not safe in their vaults, and their sleep is 



^ 



22 

distm-beJ by well-fonnJed appreliensions of midnig-Lt fire, rob- 
bery and murderous aggressions, from the Britisli border 
provinces. Our appeals and our remonstrances to Her 
Majesty's government have not gained for us any assurance of 
greater security in the future." 

No doubt these fears and a^^prehensions were greatly en- 
hanced by the fact that the attack on St. Albans had partially 
failed. The writer afterwards learned from one of the raiders 
that their plan was to fire the residence of Governor Smith, on 
the hill, at a distance, and while the inhabitants were rushing 
to the scene of confiagration, they designed to carry out their 
plans. This they feared might result in closing the banks, and 
as the marauders were "broke" they abandoned that idea. 

A letter addressed to the Hon. J. P. BeDJamin, rebel 
Secretary of State, Richmond, Va., dated St. Catharines, 
C. W., November 1st, 1864, and with the initial letters, "C. C. 
C, Jr.," on it, evidently written by C. C. Clay, Jr., was inter- 
cepted by Major-General ^^ugur at Washington, D. C, 
November 12th, 1864. The bearer of it claimed to have been 
a detective of the United States, in ]\rontreal, and as they 
wanted to engage him for the service, it would ill become his 
profession to refuse "a job." So he undertook it. This letter 
folly disclosed the design and extent of the raid. Mr. Clay 
says therein: "I met ]VIr. Young at Halifax, on my way here in 
May last. He showed me letters from men whom I knew by 
reputation to be tme friends of State Rights and, therefore, of 
Southern independence, vouching for his integrity as a man, 
his purity as a Christian and his loyalty as a soldier of the 
South. After satisfying me that his heart was with us in our 
struggle, and that he had suffered imprisonment for many 
months as a soldier of the Confederate States of America, from 
which he had escaped, he developed his plans for retaliating 
some of the injuries and outrages infiicted upon the South. 

I thought them feasible and fully warranted by the law of 
nations, and therefore recommended him and his plans to the 
Secretary of War. He was sent back by the Secretary of War 
with a commission as Second Lieutenant, to execute his plans 
and piu'poses, but to report to Hon. ■. — and myself. 



V* 



t.J 






/ 23 

We prevented his achieving or attempting: what I was sure 
he could have done, for reasons which may be fully explained 
hereafter. Finally, disappointed in his original purpose, and 
in all the subsequent enterprises projected, he proposed to 
return to the Confederate States via Halifax, but j^f^ssing 
through the New England States and burning some towns, 
and robbing them of vrhatever he could convert to the use of the 
Confederate Government. This I approved as justifiable retalia- 
tion. He attempted to burn the town of St. Albans, Vermont, 
and would have succeeded but for the failure of the chemical 
preparations with which he was armed. Believing the town 
was already fired in several places, and must be destroyed, he 
then robbed the banks of ail the funds he could find, amount- 
insT to more than two hundred thousand dollars. 

That he was not prompted by selfish or mercenary motives, 
and that he did not intend to convert the funds taken to his 
own use, but to that ol the Confederate States, I am as well 
satisfied as I am that he is an honest man, a true soldier and 
patiiot, and no one who knows him will question his title to 
this character. • 

He assured me before going on the raid that his efforts 
would be to destroy towns and farm houses, not to plunder or 
rob ; but he said, if, after firing a town, he saw he could take 
funds fi'om a bank or any house, which might inflict injiuy on 
the enemy and benefit his own government, he would do so. 
He added most emphatically that whatever he took should be 
turned over to the government, or its representatives in foreign 
lands. 

My instructions to him, oft repeated, were, 'to destroy what- 
ever was valuable, not to stop to rob, but if, after firing a town 
he could seizQ and carry off money, treasury or bank notes, he 
might do so on condition that they were delivered to the i^rop- 
er authorities of the Confederate States.' That they were not 
delivered according to his promise and undertaking was owing, 
I am sure, to the failure of his chemical compound to fire the 
town, and to the capture of himself and men on Canadian soil, 
where they were surprised and overpov/e^ed by superior num- 
bers from the United States. On showinfif me his commission 



. 24 

and his instructions from Mr. Siddon, which were of course 
vague and indefinite, he said he was authorized to do all the 
damage he could to the enemy in the w^ay of retaliation." 

As in the national struggle then going on, the loyal peo- 
ple of the north seldom failed to inflict blows as well as re- 
ceive them, so in this raid the insurgents' raiders suffered 
injury. Ex-Governor Wescott, formerly Governor and U. S. 
Senator from Florida, now residing in Canada, w^ho was of 
counsel for the raiders, famished the writer with much valua- 
ble information as to the extent of suffering by the raiders 
while pursuing their attack on St. Albans. He said that one 
of the leaders wlio first suggested the idea of raids on north- 
em frontier towns while at Camp Douglass, in Chicago, as a 
pisoner of war, was wounded in the back by a conical ball, 
and had to be supported by two of his companions riding on 
each side of him until they reached British soil. He was then 
concealed in the woods so as to prevent capture, and is said to 
have been attended professionally by Dr. J. S. Brigham, a 
southern sympathizer. This man was doubtless shot by 
"Wilder Gilsou, of St. Albans, who always insisted that as the 
raiders were riding out of town, he took deliberate aim with 
iuR favorite rifie, loaded with a conical ball, and as he fired his 
gun he saw one of the leaders on horse-back jump as if wound- 
ed, and immediately rode away. A holster, with a revolver, 
was found bearing marks of blood, which disclosed the fact 
that some one was severely wounded. 

Another was wounded in the neck by a bullet passing near 
the jugular vem, and was captured, and during the first hear- 
ing for their extradition, wore a white handkerchief around 
his neck to conceal liis wound as well as his guilt. 

And another was slightly wounded — a flesh wound. And 
still another was so severely wounded that he afterwards died 
in Montreal, and was buried by his companions. This latter 
person. Gov. AVesc(jtt said, was so severely wounded that he 
stopped over night at a farm house within three miles of St. 
Albans, witli a syni])athiz('r. and the following night was con- 
veved into Can.ula l)y British subjects, and fully cared for un- 
til his death. Mr. AVescott also stated that several persons 



, 25 

who designed to have participated in the raid failed to reach 
St. Albans in time, and that as late as the evening of the fol- 
lowing day he met one of them on board of one of the Lake 
Champlain steamers, who had in his possession, in a trunk, a 
quantity of " Greek-fire,'' which was afterv/ards, by his advice, 
thro-^Ti overboard to prevent detection and arrest. 

There were also about fifty others who failed to " put in " an 
appearance in time, or who were skulking in the neighboring 
woods ready to participate until their courage failed them. 

After receiving General Dix's dispatch, the pursuing pai'ty 
and others captiu'ed and assisted Canadian of&cials in captur- 
ing fourteen of the raiders and about $86,000 of tiieir booty. 
One of the gang immediately sent the following dispatch: 
" George N. Sanders, Ottawa Hotel, Montreal : 

We are captui'ed. Do what you can for us. 

C. M. Wallace." 

Lieutenant Young, the leader, was recognized and captured 
by George Beals and E. D. Fuller, on Canadian soil. He ex- 
pressed to his captors his regret that his party did not burn 
St. Albans, but they were so fast for plunder that they neglect- 
ed to do so. Shortly thereafter Young wrote the following 
letter : 

Frelighsburgh, C. E., Saturday, Oct. 21. 
To the Editor of the Evening Telegraph: 

"Through the columns of your journal I wish to make some 
statements to the people of Canada, regarding the recent oper- 
ations in Vermont. I went there for the purpose of burning 
the town and surrounding villages in retaliation for the recent 
outrages committed in the Shenandoah Valley, and elsewhere 
in the Confederate States. I am a commissioned ofiicer of 
the Provisional Army of the Confederate States, and have vio- 
lated no laws of Canada. I do not wish my name coupled 
with the epithets now applied without a knowledge on the part 
of the people of Canada, as to who we are and what caused 
our action. I wish, also, to make a few statements as to how 
myself and party were taken. I was seized on Canadian soil 
by American citizens with arms in their hands and viulcutlv 



>M 



26 

searched. My ix)«ket-book was taken from me, and I "^as 
started towards the United States. I reached out my hand 
and caught the reins of my horse, when three pistols were 

leveled at my head, with threats to shoot the d d scoundi'el 

dead, if he moved. Some Canadian citizens then spoke np 
and the Americans, seeing the bailiff, started with me toward 
him, two of them holding arms in their hands. These state- 
ments can be proved by Canadian citizens. The Americans 
came into this place and even beyond it, brandishing guns and 
threatening to kill some of us even after we were in the hands 
of the English authorities. Surely the people of Vermont 
must have forgotten that the i)eople of Canada are not in the 
midst of war, and ruled by a man despotic in his actions and 
supreme in his infamy. I am not afraid to go before the 
courts of Canada, and when the affair is investigated, I am 
satisfied that the citizens of Vermont, and not my pai-ty, 
will be found to be the violators of Canadian and EngKsh 
law. Some one, I hope, will be sent to investigate this 
breach of neuti.'ality, and award to those Ameiican citizens 
doing armed duty in Canada, the just merit of their ti'ans- 
gressions." 

Hoping you will ^ve this a publication, 

I remain, Yours Respectfully, 

Bennett H. Youxg. 
First Lieutenant Provisional Army, 
Confederate States of America. 

Hon R. H. Hoyt, Alanson M. Clark, C. C. Burton, Mar- 
shal Mason, and many others from St. Albans, interviewed 
Lieutenant Young at Frelighsburgh, and acquainted him 
with the fr.ct that many widows and orphans would suffer in 
consequence of his depletion of the vaults of the banks at St. 
Albans. He retorted, by saying that that was all very nice 
talk when applied to the northern people, but that it had no 
significance with the northern armies then subjugating the 
south by means of fire, the sword and the musket 

He himself had suffered even more than the h'.'nors of the 
battlefield. He had been bereft of his kin, and boastfully de- 



?/?!.'■-■■;■. 1- 



rir; 



27 

dared, as also did George W, Sanders, at St. Jolms, tliat tli-s" 
incursion was but the beginning of a series of attacks wLich 
would terrify the people of the northern border states, so that 
they would release the final grasp they then held at the neck 
of the rebellion. 

.These facts were testified to, substantially, by H. G. Edson 
Esq., at the military trial of the assassins of ilbraham Lincoln, 
he having been of counsel for the U. S. Government and the 
banks, with Hon, Geo. F Edmunds, the writer, and others, in 
the application for the extradition of the raiders. 

'Their pursuers labored under many difficulties on account of 
the extreme friendliness of the Canadian constabulaiy and 
authorities. There were, however, some notable exceptions, 
where even 2:)roifered bribes of the raiders would not influence 
the higher sense of justice. 

Mr. Whitman, a Magistrate of Stanbridge, an American by 
birth, but a naturalized British subject, was instrumental in 
capturing and saving about $53,000 of moneys and securities, 
and acting under the advice of J. C. Baker Esq., not only held 
them, but transferred them into the hands of the Canadian 
authorities. Nearly all others were recreant and gave away to 
temptation. 

One Anson Kemp, a Canadian official, received from Wallace 
a package containing $10,000 of funds, which he retained. 
One Wells, a Bailiff, assisted in securing $1500 in the shed of 
a hotel. One Manahan, a Lawyer, likewise secreted quite an 
amount. Afterwards Wallace and S wager were discharged as 
belligerents, and they returned to Frelighsburgh and de- 
manded the moneys they had left with the above officials, and 
which they had appropriated to their own use, — but when liti- 
gation became imminent, they each paid back to the raiders, 
instead of the real owners, the several amounts left with them, 
or portions of it. This appeared clearly from the testimony 
of Ambrose I^. Hall and Charles O. Standish, who both resid- 
ed at Frelighsburgh at the time, and the latter acted as the 
bearer of dispatches from Lieut. Young to Clay and Sanders, 
at Montreal, on the night of the raid. 



v?;ru;ii; 






^ ' 28 

Search warrants and warrants for arrest were refused by 
the Canadian Magistrates with one or two exceptions, and 
especially by Mr. Kemp, the Magistrate at Frelighsburgh, who 
claimed that he had no power under Canadian laws to issue 
even a search warrant, after an affidavit had been tiled upon 
which to base its issuance. This- and similar obstacles, of 
course, rendered the fiu'ther pursuit and capture of men and 
money almost impossible, although such offenders as had been 
captured were held to await application for extradition, under 
the 10th Ai-ticle of the Webster-Ashbm-ton Treaty- of 1842. 

Mr. Seward, on the 21st of October, 1864, demanded, undfer 
that treaty, the extradition of the fugitives, and the surrender 
of the money and securities, but the subsequent conduct of 
British officials will show clearly the prevailing sympathy, if 
not corruption, of some of the officii) Is. 

Prior to 1861, Justices of the Peace had jurisdiction in 
such cases, but the celebrated Anderson case, that of a negro 
from Missouri who shot his master while the latter was brut- 
ally pursuing him, involved such complications, that Parha- 
ment in 1861 gave such jurisdiction exclusively to judges of a 
court of record. Hence Lord Monck directed Charles J. Cour- 
sol, a Police Judge of Montreal, to proceed to Stanbridge and 
take the prisoners into custody and try them on such applica- 
tion, which he did, taking them out of the jurisdiction of the 
Justices. He accordingly removed the prisoners to St. Johns, 
where they were placed in jail. They were arrai<^ned before 
him, and as the preliminary affidavits were being drawn up, 
the magistrates were ordered to deliver over the money and 
secui'ities they held, into the hands of one Guilham LaMothe, 
then a chief of police of Montreal. 

The writer, as counsel for the several banks, protested 
against such transfer, when Judge Coursol exhibited to him a 
despatch directing him to appoint an agent to receive those 
funds, to be used as evidence on behalf of the government in 
their application for their extradition, wiiich made the Cana- 
dian Government liable for their safe-keeping. 

After the completion of the affidavits, and the issuance of 
the necessary warrants, rumors of contemx)lated raids n-om 



I 



. - 29 

the United States, for tlie pretended purpose of kidnapping 
the raiders, were started by their friends. This was a ruse, 
started for the purpose of getting an order from the governor 
or the attorney-general of Canada to remove the piisoners to 
Montreal, where they could find more congenial spirits, in the 
persons of their relatives, acquaintances and sympathizers, of 
both sexes. They were accordmgly ordered to be removed, against 
the protest of some of the sutferers, and as they entered the 
city of Montreal, they were greeted by the congratulations of 
their friends and the huzzihs of the multitude. 

A company of artillery accompanied them from the depot to 
prison, which served the double purpose of an escort for 
the raiders, and an assurance of fidelity to the interests of 
the United States. The display was a fine one, and gave imi- 
versal satisfaction. At the prison they were warmly received. 
Their apartments were fui'nished with all the modern hotel 
improvements on " the European plan." 

Their dinners were served with "bills of fare," not omitting 
" the wine list," by competent attendants, such as would grace- 
the table of a prince. Lieut. Young facetiously refers to it in 
the following characteristic letter : 

"MoNTRELiL, Nov. 17, 18G4. 
To the Editor of the St. Albans Messenger — 

Would you please send me two copies of your daily. Dur- 
ing the present investigation, your editorials are quite inter- 
esting, and will furnish considerable amusement to myself 
and comrades. You are somewhat abusive, ])ut I am sufficiently 
magnanimous to overlook your ire, feeling that in after years 
you will do me the justice to repair the wrong. 

I am extremely sorry that I cannot \'isit your town and sub- 
scribe for your valuable journal in person. My business 
engagements in Montreal prevent my coming at present. Ad- 
dress me care 'Montreal jail.' Should you not send me the 
papers, I hope you will remit enclosed bill by return mail. 
Should you visit Montreal in the next few weeks, I will be 
found at Payette's Hotel, (the jail,) and will be grateful to see 
you. Yours Ilespectfully, 

Bennett H. Young. 
First Lieut. Provisional 
.. . Army Confederate States." 



■I. 



30 

AccoDnpanyiDg the foregoing letter was a three-dollar St. 
Albans bank bill, which, it was found, did not come into his 
possession honestly. The tone of this letter was in wide con- 
trast with Young's professions in 1861, when he was a theolog- 
ical student at Toronto, Canada West. 

Here litigation and technicality hegati^. and writs of habeas 
corpus were invoked. Here treachery and bribery insidiously 
crept in and exhibited themselves. 

On the day following the raid, when Judge Coursol was 
applied to as the commander of the Militia in the district of 
Montreal, which embraced the Southern frontier of Canada 
bordering on Vermont, and which included the police and 
detective forces therein, he assured Hon. A. O. Aldis and a 
cashier of one of the banks, that he knew of a man who would 
secure the extradition of the raiders without question for the 
sum of .^10,000. The keen perception of these* gentlemen 
was not slow in detecting that the British Judge himself was 
the person. Judge Aldis at once replied that the banks had 
offered a reward of $10,000 for the surrender of the men and 
securities, payable on their conviction, or the delivery of the 
funds. Hence this British Judge, as he was pleased to call 
himself, half French and appai-ently half Aborigenes, exhibited 
great zeal at the fii'st hearing, which lasted several days after 
the raid, and down to the 13th of November 1861, when a con- 
tinuance of thirty days was asked for by the counsel for 
the prisoners and granted. Two bearers of dispatches were 
immediately separately sent from Montreal to Richmond, Ya, 
for the pui'pose of getting record evidence of the appointment 
of Lieut. Young by Jefferson Davis, to undertake the raid. One 
of them was captured by General Augur, on the 12th of No- 
vember, 1864, and the other, S. F. Cameron, a Chaplain in the 
Confederate service, ran the Union lines and entered Richmond 
in safety. While crossing the Potomac river below Washing- 
ton, on the route, their small boat was capsized by a shot 
from a Union battery on the banks of the river, and one of the 
party drowned. Cameron, however, reached shore and passed 
through St. Albans in the character and habiliments of a 
Roman Catholic Priest, accompanied by two women dressed in 



i 



^-f- 



.j'j; o7i.-»J ii 



i,-f. 



31 

'the robes of nuns. This so eluded the vigilance of the detec 
'tlves-that they passed into Canada unsearched. Mr. Cameron 
'has since written a book entitled, * The Confederate Secret 
-Service," which was widely circulated at the South, similar to 
"** Baker's Secret Service." 

During the interim of adjournments, counsel for the prison- 
• ers were busily engaged in their efforts to find grounds to 
'•secure their release. Judge Coursol and Edward Carter had 
'beefc. appointed by Attorney- General George E. Cartier to pre- 
^pftre the warrants upon which the prisoners were held. These 
^^rarrants were said to have been defective, and hence illegal, 
and this fact was well known to the law officers of the Cana- 
dian Government before the final hearing. Mr. Carter, how- 
ever, disclosed their defects to 'Sir. KeiT, of counsel for the 
prisoners, who was his brother-in-law. Accordingly, Mr. Kerr, 
on the 13th of December, 18G4, the day on which the case 
stood adjourned, and before a portion of the counsel of the 
United States and the banks had arrived, moved before Judge 
Coursol that the piisoners be discharged on account of these 
defects. '^iMiereupon Judge Coui'sol, in a very precipitate man- 
ner, after delivering a lengthy opinion — which could not have 
been prepared by him in the short time allotted him for that 
purpose — not only discharged the prisoners for the particular 
offence on which he had had a hearing, but likewise on five 
other separate offences and waiTants upon which no hearings 
had been had, and ordered the money aud securities captui-ed 
from them, and in the custody of the law, restored to their 
agent, for which wntten orders had previously been prepared 
and held in readiness. 

The wi-iter was the only person present in the court-room 
from Vermont, at tbe time — others having been detained by a 
storm, and the scene in the court-room which followed their 
discharge was a disgrace to any court of justice. The final 
announcement of their discharge was attended with rounds of 
applause and screams never before heard or known in a court 
of justice, in which all seemed to participate. Then there was 
a rush for the doors and streets, and the news spread through 
the city and country with great celerity. 



rR 



,n «''i 



32 

Hon. Jolin Rose, of counsel for the United States, then one 
of the Canadian ministers, protested against such conduct. 
Hon. Barney DeveHn followed him, by \varning the Canadians 
that such a course would be denounced by the United States 
with great severity, and would prove detrimental to the prov- 
inces. Counsel from the United States could only express 
their opinions outside of the court room, as they were not per- 
mitted at any time to address the court, because they had not 
been admitted to the Canadian bar and adopted the cusfomaiy 
" robes and choker." Hon. Geo. F. Edmunds was inquii'ed of 
if' he designed to return to Montreal in the event of the recap- 
ture of any of the men to ask for their extradition. He quick- 
ly replied that "if he did it would be at the head of a regi- 
ment." 

Mr. Seward, in his letter to Minister Adams, under date of 
December 2 Ith, 1864, fitly describes what followed. He says : 
" In my dispatch of the 14th inst. I informed you that Coiu'sol, 
the Provincial Judge at Montreal, had set at liberty the fellows 
who committed the crimes of robbery and murder at St. Albans. 
Subsequent information comprises the fact, with the addition 
that the money stolen, to the amount, as it is understood, of 
ninety thousand dollars, which was in the custody of the law*, 
was delivered to the felons by the police, under the direction 
of the same judge, and that thns richly furnished with the 
spoils of our citizens, they were conveyed, amid popular accla- 
mation, in sleighs which had been prepared for their escape, 
from the court-room, beyond the reach of fresh pursuit : that 
the discharge of the prisoners ' was placed upon technical 
grounds, now confessed to be erroneous, equally in law and in 
fact ; that when new warrants were issued, the police were dil- 
atory and treacherous in their execution, and that all eiibrts for 
the recapture of the culprits have thus far been unsuccessful. 
It is believed that they have already escaped from Canada to 
find even more sure protection and favor in Nova Scotia. It 
is impossible to consider those proceedings as eitherjegal. just, 
or fi'iendly towards the United States." 

Mr. Richie, the partner of the Hon. John Rose, in company 
with the writer, iminodiately prepared fresh atHdavits and 



!o 



1 ^■.>i 



33 

warrants fur ihe arrest of the fugitives, and, after applying to 
♦two of the judges of the Superior Court of Canada to sign a 
warrant for that purpose, and receiving direct refusals, finally 
succeeded in prevailing upon Judge James Smith, another 
Superior Judge, to sign a warrant. Mr. Eichie and Hon. Geo. 
F. Edmunds then applied to Mr. Lamothe, chief of police, to 
execute the warrant, but he declined and likewise declined to 
permit any one of his numerous police force to execute the 
same. , Finally, at a late hour that night, the High Sheriff of 
Montreal was prevailed upon to take the warrants, and, after 
several days' pursuit by a faithful government policeman, Mr. 
McLaughlin, five of the number were recaptured ; namely. 
Young, Travis, Spurr, Hutchinson and S wager, who, after a 
protracted hearing, were discharged by Judge Smith, on the 
ground that they were belligerents against the United States, 
and that their doings at St. Albans were acts of war, and were 
consequently excepted out of the operations of the extradition 
treaty. He, however, held as a matter of law, that Judge 
Coursol eiTed in the precipitate and unv/arranted manner in 
which he ordered the discharge of the prisoners and the sur- 
render of the funds to them. 

Judge Coursol was, at that time, suspected and publicly 
accused of complicity with the raiders, and subsequent events 
strengthened these suspicions. He w^as summoned to appear 
before the police committee of the city council of Mon- 
treal, and there declined to answer interrogatories relating to 
his malfeasance in office, as beneath the dignity of a British 
Judge. He, however, was forced to admit that he had been 
in company with Sanders and one John Porterfield, the finan- 
cial agent of the Confederate States in Canada. Afterwards 
it was rumored, and not denied, that a large sum of money 
was paid this British Judge by a Southern refugee, then sojourn- 
ing in Canada, who shortly thereafter left the Provinces, not to 
return again. This judge was suspended from office in conse- 
quence of his conduct in the matter. The Hon. H. W. 
Torrence was appointed a commissioner by Lord Monck to 
inquire into the conduct of Mr. Lamothe and Judge Coursol. 
and made an elaborate report to the government. This Cuiii- 



34 

missioner reported that Judge Coursol was indictable for a 
" malfeasance in bis functions, " as a justice, in having dis- ^ 
charged the prisoners on the 13th of December, 1S64:, and jlr. 
Lamothe was discharged fi-om the office of chief of police. 

Notwithstanding his extraordinary conduct, Judge Coursol 
was restored to his position as Judge on the 9th of April, 
1866, by order of Sir George E. Cartier, Attorney General, and 
has been several times elected mayor of Montreal, and, on one 
occasion, entertained the Editorial Fraternity of New England 
with great magnificence at his palatial residence in Montreal. 

The witnesses, on behalf of the United States, were many 
times sneered and jeered at, while on the streets, in the court 
room, and even on the witness stand in court, by women sym- 
pathizers with the Confederate ' cause, of whom there were 
large numbers in attendance, frequently evincing the bold and 
dashing characteristics of Southern chivalry. 

Shortly after this time. Lord Monck suggested to the suffer- 
ers at St. Albans, that, if memorialized, he would recommend 
an appropriation to pay the amount of money and secmities 
so wrongfully given up by order of Couisol and Lamothe. 
This was done, and in April, 1865, $19,000 in gold was i3aid to 
the First National Bank ; $20,000 to the St. Albans Bank ; 
and $31,000 in the bills of the Franklin County Bank, retiu-ned 
to that Bank, said to have been purchased by an agent of the 
Canadian Government, at ten cents on the dollar. For this 
act the Canadians have frequently boasted of theii* magnan- 
imity, and not unfrequently claiming that they had paid the 
entire loss by the raid, of which this was a mere small propor- 
tion. 

The names of these marauders, as given by themselves, on 
their examination, were as follows: Bennett H. Young, Samuel 
Eugene Lackey, Squire Turner Tra\ds, xllexander Pope Bruce, 
Charles Moore S wager, Caleb McDonald Wallace, James Alex- 
ander Doty, Joseph McGrorty, Samuel Simpson Gregg, Dudley 
Moore, Thomas Bronsden Collins, George Scott and William 
H. Hutchhison. 

They were young men of apparent education, culture and 
gentlemanly urbanity. They were mostly fi'om the State of 



: r\. 



35 

Kentucky — were soldiers in the Confederate service, principally 
from Mosby's and Morgan's guerilla bands, and a few Sun- 
days before their raid on St. Albans had attended church in 
that village, and occupied the pews of men whom they after- 
wards sought to destroy. Some of them had been captured 
and held as prisoners of war in northern prisons, and by 
strategy had escaped into Canada as an asylum. They each 
of them made a voluntary statement at their examination. 
One of these will suffice to show the motives which actuated 
them in making the raid. 

Thomas Bronsdon Collins says: I have violated no laws of 
Canada or Great Britain. Whatever I may have done at St. Al- 
bans, I did as a Confederate officer, acting under Lieutenant 
Young. When I left St. Albans, I came to Canada solely for 
protection. I entered a hotel at Stanbridge unarmed and 
alone and was arrested and handcuffed by a Canadian magis- 
trate, (Whitman,) assisted by Yankees. He had no warrant 
for my arrest, nor had any sworn complaint been made to him 
against me. About 89,300 was taken from me when arrested, 
part Confederate booty, lawfully captured and held by me as 
such, and part of my own private funds. 

I asked the restoration of the money taken from me, and my 
discharge, as demanded by the rules of international law. The 
treaty under which my extradition is claimed applies to rob- 
bers, murderers, thieves and forgers. I am neither, but a 
soldier, serving my country in a war commenced and waged 
against \is by a barbarous foe, in violation of their own consti- 
tution, in disregard of all the rules of warfare as interpreted hj 
civilized nations and Christian people and Against Yankees too 
wise to expose themselves to danger, while they can buy mer- 
cenaries and steal negroes to tight their battles for them, 
who, whilst prating of neutrality, seduce your own people 
along the borders to violate the proclamation of your august 
Sovereign by joining their armies, and leave them when cap- 
tured by us to languish as prisoners in a climate unwholesome 
to them. If I aided in the sack of the St. Albans banks, it was 
because they were public institutions, and because I knew the 
pocket nerve of the Yankees to be the most sensitive, that they 



86 

would suifer most by being rudely touched. I cared notliing 
foi' the booty, except to injure the enemies of my country. 
Federal soldiers are bought up at §1,000 a head, and the cap- 
ture of $200,000 is equivalent to the destruction of two himdred 
of said soldiers. I therefore thought the expedition ' would 
pay ;' I guess it did, in view of the facts ; also, that they have 
wisely sent several thousand soldiers from the ' bloody fi'ont ' 
to protect exposed points in the rear. For the part I took I 
,am ready to abide the consequences, knowing that if I am ex- 
tradited to the Yankee butchers, my government can avenge, 
if not protect its soldiers." 

At the April term, 1865, of the Franklin County Court of 
Vermont, the Grand Jury found true bills of indictment against 
the above named parties, as wel] as against one Hezekiah 
Payne, for murder, attempt at murder and arson, alleged to 
have been committed at St. Albans at the time of the raid. A 
reward had been oflered for the apprehension and conviction 
of any of the alleged felons, which resulted in the arrest of 
Payne at Detroit, Michigan, by one Captain Smith, a 
Southerner by birth, and formerly a captain in the Confederate 
army. Captain Smith was employed by Colonel Hill at 
Detroit, with instructions to report at Colonel Hill's head- 
quarters. This captain assumed the character of a Southern 
refugee and was assigned to duty by the government at 
Windsor, Canada West, directly opposite Detroit. Here the 
government placed him in charge of a hotel, in which he as- 
sumed to be landlord, and he had among his guests frdm sixty 
to ninety regular boarders, nearly all Southern refugees, who 
little suspected at the time that they were boarding with a 
United States Government detective, and who was daily 
reporting theii' sayings and doings in secret conclave to 
Colonel Hill. Mr. Payne was one of his constant boarders 
during the winter of 1864-5, and boastingly declared fully his 
connection with the St. Albans raid to Captain Smith and 
others of the band. Colonel Hill accordinsfly x^l'^'^f""! ^i female 
detective on Pajne's track, who by her cliarnis induced the 
latter to escort her to a theatre in Detroit on an evening. They 
accordingly embarked on board of the ferry boat, and as Piiyiie 



i'H 



/..j</. 



37 

stepped from tlie boat upon tlie wharf, be was arrested by a 
United States Marshal, apparently very much to the chagrin 
and disgust of his fair companion. A search was at once in- 
stituted, and bills on one of the St. Albans banks were found 
concealed in the lining of his coat. He was conveyed to St. 
Albans and tried for the offences lor which he had been in- 
dicted by a county court and jury, presided over by Chief 
Justice John Pierpoint, in June, 1865. He was identiiied in 
court by nearly half a dozen witnesses residing in St. Albans ; 
among them was the Rev. Francis W. Smith, who had no 
doubt as to his being tiie identical person who j)reseuted a 
revolver while on horseback, at one Nettle ton, in the streets of 
St. Albans on the day of the raid, and compelled the latter to 
deliver to him his cap, as he had lost his own in the affray 
when he rode off towards Canada. On the other hand, the 
respondent introduced testimony to prove an apparent alibi, of 
the most positive character, tliat on the morning of the day 
following the raid, at about S^ o'clock, the prisoner was at a 
broker's office in Montreal, in company with a number of 
Southerners. This testimony left grounds for a reasonable 
doubt in the minds of the jury, and Payne was acquitted. A 
prominent Southerner afterwards informed the writer, in 
Montreal, that Payne participated m the St. xilbansraid, and by 
dint of good luck reached Montreal the following morning at 
six o'clock, and delivered his booty to the Confederate treasury 
at that place. It thus appeared that all of the witnesses told 
the tmth, but that the length of time which it would take to 
travel from St. Albans to Montreal, distant about sixty miles, 
over fearfully bad roads, was lost sight of, or not duly con- 
sidered by the prosecution and the jury. Payne having been 
tried once, could not again be placed in jeopardy. He was sup- 
posed by many to have been a near relative of Lewis Payne, 
the assailant of Secretary Seward and his son Frederick, on 
the night of the assassination of President Lincoln, and whose 
diabolical plans were in part frustrated by the timely inter- 
ference of Geo^-ge T. Robinson, a disabled Union soldier, a 
! private in the 8th Maine Volunteers, in the employ of Mr. 
Seward as a nurse at that time. This latter Pavne was tried 



38 

and hung by the side of Mrs. Mary E. Surrafct, in the old 
Penitentiary jail yard in AVashington, D. C, by order of a 
mihtary court who tried all of the conspirators on the 9 th of 
July, 1865, presided over by General Hancock. 

Many of the St. Albans raiders are now residing in the 
United States, and the writer has frequently received commun- 
ications from loyal persons in different parts of the country 
apprising him of their whereabouts, but the amnesty acts of 
Congress would doubtless fully acquit them, if our courts 
should stand to the decisions of the British courts, sanction- 
ed by the Court of Queen's Bench in England, wherein they 
have said that "though the Confederate States are not recog- 
nized as independent, they are recognized as a belligerent 
power, and there can be no doubt that parties acting in their 
behalf would not be criminally responsible.'' 

In June 1872, the writer addressed a letter to Bennett H. 
Young, then a lawyer at Louisville, Kentucky, calling for cer- 
tain supposed facts connected with the raid, reminding him 
that while in Montreal at the time of his discharge, he had 
given^ assurances of assistance to the widow and children of 
Mr. Morrison, on account of his proclivities. A respectful 
reply was made but no assistance was rendered. 

Shortly thereafter, it was rumored that he had died, but it 
is beheved that this was done for the pui-pose of preventing 
further inquiry. He had abandoned his theological sjtudies 
and had married the daughter of a Presbyterian Clerg;^'man, to 
whom he had evidently assigned the care of his religion. 
• The writer has also been credibly informed that S wager 
escaped into France from Canada after his discharge, and 
under an assumed name became a diplomatic or consular 
agent of the United States at, or near Paris, and remained such 
until his true character was afterwards made known to the 
government, when he was summarily discharged. He afte^-- 
wards enlisted as a soldier in the French army, and at the 
siege of Paris by the Prussians, during the Franco-Prussian 
war of 1871, was mortally wounded and died at Paris, in 
France, and his remains were brought to the United States 
for interment. 



.•.■■'•\;.ni'- • li 



8f: 



39 

Tlie conduct of the Canadiiin Government, or officials, in re- 
lation to the United States, up to this time, had the appear- 
ance of indifference to the rights of the latter. It was, how- 
ever, in keeping with the position taken by the British Gov- 
ernment in relation to the war. 

The latter had by proclamation of the Queen declared the 
Confederates belligerents, before they had received intelligence 
that a battle had been fought. They had likewise permitted 
the Lairds to build cruisers or privateers, on their territories, 
atid to escape their ports and waters, with a full armament on 
board, after our government had notified them officially of the 
manifest purposes of the owners of the vessels, for which they 
were compelled to pay 815,000,000 compensation by the 
award of the Geneva Arbitration. The conduct of Chief Jus- 
tice Cockburn, the British Arbitrator, in delivering a dissent- 
ing ox^inion, betrayed the feelings of that Government. 

He manifested much feeling, and considerable passion. He 
at first undertook to surprise our counsel by calling on them 
for an oral discussion of the question as to what would con- 
stitute due diligence under the Washington treaty, knowing 
that two or three of the arbitrators could not understand 
English when spoken. 

Much to his surprise, Hon. William M. Evarts discussed the 
question in English, and was repeatedly interrupted by the 
Chief Justice, and following him, the Hon. Caleb Gushing ar- 
gued the question in an able and exhaustive argument in the 
French language, so tluit the arbitrators were fully informed on 
the subject, the French language being somewhat of a court 
language in Europe. After the Chief Justice had read his 
opinion, he hastily threw it on the table, and abruptly left the 
room, and the city of Geneva, and did not participate in the 
- general rejoicings and displays over the successful establish- 
ment of a precedent for the settlement of national difterences, 
by national arbitration, rather than by the arbitrament of war. 

Mr. Cushing afterwards wrote a book on the subject of the 
arbitration at Geneva, in Avhieh he was pleased to call the 
Chief Justice of England, en I'nfant iernJjle, which excited 
much comment and correspondence in diplomatic circles. 



.H 



40 

The circumstances connected -svitli the St. xVlbans raid were 
fully -discussed at GeneTa, as the principles of law were sup- 
posed to be analagous, by writers on internaiiouallaw, whetlier 
the expedition was fitted out and pursued by land or by whaler. 
Hence, under the 12th section of the treaty of Vi^ashington, a 
''mixed commission on ximerican and British claims, " was con- 
stituted and organized, for the x^urpose, in part, of considering 
and adjusting "kindred claims" to those of the "Alabama 
claims. '' This, of course, resulted in a number of claims 
being presented by the sufferers by the St. Albans raid, and 
important developments being made, tending to implicate tlie 
Canadian officials with that raid, and, particularly, as tending 
to show that the raid was organized on Canadian soil as a part 
of a great conspiracy, and that some of those officials had 
knowledge of it before it occurred. 

The extensive correspondence of Mr. Sev>'ard, with Lord 
Lyons and Earl Russell, fully disclosed the fact of contem- 
plated raids from Canada, and the active movements of the 
insurgents on Canadian soil in 1863, and the early part of 
1864, and the apparent indifference of the Canadian Govern- 
ment in relation to the same. This state of things, followed 
by the St. Albans raid, led to the abrogation of the reciprocity 
treaty, then existing between the tv/o countries, and the enforce- 
ment, for a time, of a rigid passport, system along the frontier. 
If also contributed towards making a case against the British 
Government for breaches of neutrality, and asking compensa- 
tion therefor. An eilbrt was made, by certain parties w4io had 
Suffered by land aud water, to make a case, in many respects 
similar to the claims filed by our Government against Great 
Biitain, but making British subjects the sufferers : and hence 
sprang up the Fenian raids on Canada — the one occurring 
under Generals Spear and Sweeney, in the years 18G6, and 
the other under General O'Neil in the latter part of May, and 
fore part of June, 1870, with their headquarters at St. Alban .. 
These raids, however, though one of them resulted in a short 
battle at St. Arnjand, eighteen miles north of St. Albans, on 
Canadian soil, lacked the important element of belligerency 
in order to constitute a similarity. In one of the communica- 



.' nKyr.ir 



•if l>L'.y .r. 



41 

tioiis, by Mr. Se^vard to Minister Adams, on tho subject, the 
former asked the opinion of the latter as to the propriety of 
making up a similar case with a view to the settlement of the 
question of compensation, by American citizens. The latter 
wisely replied that, by so doing, it would be an acknowledge- 
ment that the British Government were right in theii* course ; 
and that was an end of the subject. 

The St. Albans raid would never have been thought of but 
for the conviction that Canada was so friendly with the South 
and so inimical to the North that the raiders would be 
safe, whatever atrocities they might commit, if they could only 
jump back across the line — and no wonder they arrived at 
this conclusion. Yallandigham — the arch traitor — had been 
feted, and free-passed through Canada, and received by some 
of the members of the Government of Quebec. Confederate 
officers and soldiers had been conveyed to the boat, in which 
they were departing — doubtless for aggressive movements on 
the North — by one of the regimental bands of the British 
army in Canada. A considerable portion of the Canadian 
press continued, day after day, to manifest bitter hatred for 
the North, and was supported, in so doing, by a considerable 
proportion of theii' most influential men. British unfiiendli- 
ness made a conspicuous figure in the discussions at Geneva, 
and was justly regarded by the Arbitrators there as a fact 
proven, and of vital importance. 

The speeches of Lord Palmerston and the Earl Russell, 
cited at Geneva, and which have become historical, and the 
unfriendly tone of the London press were re-produced in the 
'•Montreal Gazette," and found their echo in nearlv eveiT 
village newspaper in Canada. "When all this was going on," 
says the "Montreal Witness" of the 22d of October, 18G4, 
"before the eyes of Southern refugees, they could come to no 
other conclusion than they arrived at, that Canada was a safe 
base of operations against the North. " It was this popular 
sympathy that Count Sclopis, the great Italian jurist and the 
chairman of the Ixjard of Arbitrators at Geneva, alluded to 
with such felicity and force of argument in his opinion at 
Geneva. He said: -'No government is safe ag:iin->r ct'ri::LB. 



42 :- 

waves of public opinion which it cannot master at its will. I 
am far from thinking that the animus of the EnglisL Govern- 
ment was hostile to the Federal Government during the war. 
Yet there were grave dangers for the United States in Great ? 
Britain and her colonies, which there were no dii'ect means of ] 
averting. England, therefore, should have fulHHed her duties I 
as a neutral, by the exercise of a diligence equal to the gravity ^ 
of the danger. It cannot be denied that there w^ere moments 'f 
when its watchfulness seemed to fail, and when feebleness in | 
certain branches of the public service resulted in great detii- / 
ment to the United States. The consequence of such feebleness i 
can be no other than a reparation for the damages suffered.'' | 
The evidence abundantly proved that this "feebleness '' exist- i 
ed in Canada till after the St. Albans raid. Then the govern- } 
ment seemed to arouse to its dangers and duties. But it | 
took some time for ''the waves" of popular feeling to subside. | 
Even after the raid, and the reaction consequent upon its out- 1 
rages, C. C. Clay Jr., in his intercepted letter, said: ''The sym- 
pathy of nine tenths of the Canadians ai'e w4th Young and his | 
men, and a majoiity of all the newspapers justify or excuse his | 
acts as merely retaliatory." Indeed, even after the assassin- | 
ation of Mr. Lincoln, many of the Southerners in Montreal J 
were permitted on receiving the intelligence of his assassina- | 
tion to celebrate the event by a general carousal. John H. I 
Surratt. one of the conspirators, was in Montreal, at St. Law- I 
rence Hall, on the Gth of April, 1865, and was telegraphed by I 
John Wilkes Booth to come to Washington, D, C, on the | 
10th of April, 1SG5, and he paid his bill at St. Lawrence Hall, J 
and left on the l'2th of April, having registered his name as | 
"John Harrison," on the Hotel Kegister, as appeal's by "The I 
trial of John H. Surratt," YoL I. page 16G. He retm-ned 
to Montreal via St. Albans, on Tuesday morning, the 18th > 
of April, 18G5, and again registered his name as ''John Har- j 
risou," on the St. Lawrence Hall Kegister, and immediiitely 
learning that parties were in pursuit of him to secure a reward. 
he was secretL-d in the house of John PorterlieM, and was 
shortly afterwards taken into the country, and seerete-l m ine 
house of a Roman Catholic Priest, where he remained until { 



^3 



I he sailed to Liverpool, and thence proceeded to Alexandna, in 
I Egy2)t, where he was arrested and brought to the United 
f States for trial. While passing through Sfc. Albans, he was 
I suspected by 'William R. Conger, Albert Sowles and the wri- 
; ter, who were witnesses at his trial. Carl Hobart, Charles H. 
I Blinn, and George F. Chapin likewise identiiied him in open 
* court as the person whom they saw at Burlington and St. Al- 

■ bans, on the night of the 17th, and morning of the 18th of 
Ax^ril, 1865, en route for Montreal. William E. Wheeler tes- 
tified that in October, 1864, he saw J. Wilkes Booth in Mon- 

' treal, in front of St. Lawrence Hall, in company -^-ith a person 

I answering the description of Sanders. (vSee Trial of John H. 

Surratt, Yol. I, p. 315.) In March and April, 1865, it was es- 

' tablished beyond question, that Booth was in Montreal, in 

company with Sanders. F. Geriken testified that he saw him 

in Sanders' room, at St. Lawrence Hall, in secret conversation. 

■ The following appears on page 478, History of Secret Service, 
r by Baker. " About this time, certain gentlemen in Canada be- 
gan to be unenviably known. I make no charges against 
those whom I do not know, but simply say that the 
Confederate agents, Jacob Thompson, Larry McDonald, 
Clement Clay, and some others, had already accomplished 
enough villainy to make Wilkes Booth, on the first of the 
present year, believe that he had but to seek an inter- 
view with them. He visited the provinces once, certainly, 
and three times, it is believed, stopping in Montreal, at St. Law- 
rence Hall, and banking four himdred and fifty-five doUai's odd 
at the Ontario Bank. This was his own money, I have, my- 
self, seen his bank-book with the single entry of this amount. 
It was found in the room of Atzeroth at Kirkwood's Hotel. 
Some one, or all of these agents, famished Booth with a mur- 
derer — the fellow Wood, or Payne, who stabbed Mr. Seward, 
and was caught at Mrs. Snrratt's, house in Washington. He 
v/as one of the three Kentucky brothers, all outlaws, and had, 
himself, it is believed, accompanied one of his brothers, who 
is kuo^vn to have been at St. xUbans on the day of the bank 
delivery. This Payne, besides being positively iJtntififd as 
um assiissin of the Sewards, had wj friends nor i!;i;:Lt> in 



I" .)_.<•' 



u 

Washiugton. He was simply a dispatched murderer, and after 
the night of the crime, struck northward for the frontier, in- 
stead of southward, in the company of Booth." 

A reward of $20,000 for Sanders and $25,000 for Thomp^n 
was offered by the United States Government for then* appre- 
hension and conviction, on account of this conspiracy. An 
attempt was made to kidnap Sanders, but he was rescued by 
the authorities of Canada. 

From the letter of Jacob Thompson to Mr. Benjamin, §ec- 
retaiy of State of the Confederacy, obtained from the rebel 
archives, now in the hands of the V. S. Government, it appears 
" that he and C. C. Clay Jr., were sent early in ISGl. to Can- 
ada, by the Confederate Government, as political agents, armed 
with the largest powers : that they took with them $600,000 
of Confederate funds in gold; that he, CThompson.) knew 
nothing of the details of the St. Albans raid, but Clay ordered 
it and furnished the money for it." 

These uncontrovertible facts leave no doubt of a conspiracy 
covering all the overt acts afterwards committed, through the 
procurement of those pohtical agents, with Confederate money, 
fully organized, and proceeding from Canada to St. Albans. 
"Washington and other places. Lieut. Young was appointed 
on the 16th" of June, 1864, by Jefterson Davis, through the 
Confederate Secretary of "War, First Lieutenant for special 
service, and this order given him : " You will proceed without 
delay to the British Provinces, where you will report to 
Messrs. Thompson and Clay for instructions." 

On the 6th of October, 1864, Young received the following 
order fi'om C. C. Clay Jr., who was then in Montreal : ^' Your 
suggestion for a raid upon accessible towns in Vermont, 
commencing with St. xilbans, is approved, and you ai'e author- 
ized and required to act in conformity with that suggestion. 

Oct. 6th, 1864. C. C. Clay Jr." 

Indeed, Judge Smith, in his opinion delivered in the St. 
Albans case, says: '^ While at St. Catherines, Young reported 
his doings to Mr, Clay, -and obtained his sanction, both verbal 
and witten, of the projected attack. While in Montreal, in 



45 

October, he received from Mr. Clay iSiOO towards the expenses 
of the expeditioD. " 

It was also a significant fact that there was no neatraiity 

I law in Canada till February, 1865. The act of Parliament of 

i 1861 had re-enacted the old act, giving force to the treaty, 

5 with numerous amendments. This act, as amended, never had 

t received Eoyal sanction until the above date, and, hence, it 

had been nugatory until sanctioned. This the raiders knevr, 

and relied upon it. They had taken counsel as to the law of 

I extradition, and claimed at once that they w^ere "belligerents, 

not robbers. " ^^ 

At a very early date in 1862, the attention of the British 
Government was called to the inadequacy of their laws to pre- 
; vent hostile expeditions and to preserve neutrality. It was in 

; reference to these requests that Lord Palmers ton made his 

memorable speech of March 27th, 1863, in which he spoke of 
( them as follows : '* A cry raised against England to create politi- 

I cal capital in America. Bat if this cry is raised for the purpose 

\ of driving Her Majesty's Government to do something w-hich 
\ may be contrary to the law^s of the country, or which may be 
^ derogatory to the dignity of the country in the way of alter- 

ing our laws for the purpose of pleasing another government, 
then all I can say is that such a course is not likely to ac- 
complish its purposes." 

On the 15th of December, 1864, Lord Monck wrote to 
Mr. Cardwell, British Foreign Secretary, as follows : " I should 
be armed with some further statutory powers to enable me 
to restrain persons who seek an asylum in Canada from the 
commission of acts calculated to compromise the neutrality of 
Her Majesty's Dominions." This is a direct admission of a 
remissness of duty and a want of due diligence in preventing 
the raid on St. Albans. Indeed, some of the government 
officials in Canada must have known of this raid before its oc- 
currence. F. Gerekin, impressed as a witness by Great Britain, 

who resided at St. Lawrence Hall in Montreal, said on cross- 
ly 
examination: ''There were a great number of Southerners 

stopping at the St. Lawrence Hall, between 1862 and 1865. 

They conversed freely in my presence. I heard them talking 



46 

about poisoning the aqueduct of New York City, 'of setting 
iire to tlieir cities when they least expected it/ that they would 
'rescue the prisoners from Johnson's Island, and bring them to 
Canada.' Heard them say that something ought to be at- 
tempted at Ogdensburg, N. Y. * 

Judge Coursol said to Judge Aldis and Albert Sowles, on 
the morning after the raid : " That these Southerners had been 
about the city of Montreal in large numbers for a long time, | 

contemplating or getting up these raids, and that, if proper | 

measures had been taken, their plans could have been found I 

out and frustrated. '' - I 

'Mr. Laraothe says: "After the Johnson's Island affair, and | 

before the St. Albans raid, the Southern refugees appeared to I 

be acting together in concert, and to be fully organized in ^ 

Canada, and their organization, their purpose and intention j 

of committing acts of forcible depredations, rapine and war 
upon the tenitory of the United States, must have been known 
to the Cartier-McDonald government; * * * * 

that if there had been any steps taken by said government of | 

Cartier-McDonald to prevent the same, the said raid on St. | 

Albans might and would have been prevented, and would not | 

have occurred. " I 

' Col. Wm. A. Armatinfjjer, next in command of the mihtia in I 

the district of Montreal, under Coursol, thus declared to one I 

Jacob Kynders, a Canadian detective, before tlie St. Albans I 

raid, as testified to by him : "We know all about the contem- i 

plated raids; let them go on and have a fight on the frontier; | 

it is none of our business; we can lose nothing by it. It does I 

not interfere with us. There are so many Confederate soldiers | 

here in Montreal, we expect a fight every day, and we shall not * 

interfere with it. '' } 

E\-nders further testified, "I have no doubt Col. Annatinger I 

knew the exact point at which Southern soldiers designed to ^ 

make their attack at the time, which afterwiu-ds proved to be • 

St. Albans, Vermont. He appeared to know all about it. He j 

was fi-equently in communication with the Southern ^?Idiers, J 

and they were on intimate terms." t 

It was fully established, that in November, 18G3, 'Sir. La- I 



47 

Motlie, Chief of Police, detected the raid on Johnson's Is- 
land, in the Lachine Canal, and by direction of Hon. L. H. 
Holton, then Finance Minister, put a stop to it. There was a 
change of Government in March following, and La M:- the was 
refused compensation for his services. He, therefore, declined 
to x^erform subsequent services in that direction, and there 
were no detectives used or employed for that purpose before 
the St. Albans raid. 

Lord Monck, Governor General, Sir John A. McDonald, 
Prime Minister, Sir George E. Cartier, Attorney General. Hon. 
H. D. Longeveau, Solicitor General, and others, were impressed 
as witnesses by Great Britain, who all testified that they had 
no personal knowledge of the St. Albans raid before its occur- 
ence, although they were fully informed of the general objects 
and purposes of these insurgents in Canada. 

These facts, with many other minor details, were submit- 
ted to the Mixed Commission on American and British claims, 
composed of Count L. Coati, Italian Minister at Washington. 
as Umpire, James S. Frazer, of Indiana, Commissioner for 
the United States, and Kussell Gurney, Recorder of London, 
England, Commissioner for Great Britain, through Hon. Rob- 
ert S. Hale, Agent for the United States, who, on the 19th of 
August, 1873, disallowed compensation. 

Commissioner Frazer read an opinion, in which I am ad- 
vised that the majority of the Commission concurred, which 
was in part as follows : '' I may not be prepared to say that Great 
Britain used that diligence to prevent hostile expeditions from 
Canada against the Ignited States, which should be exercised 
by a neutral and friendly neighbor, but in the view which I take 
of these claims, this cpiestion is not iiuportant, and need not 
therefore be decided. *■ * * j think, rather, it vras because 
no care wiiich one nation may reasonably require of another in 
such cases would have been sufficient to discover it." 
Indeed, the decision must have been placed upon the 
ground that direct knowledge of this particular nud must 
li:ive been coummunicated to the Canadian or British 
Oa^-erriment, before its occitrenee, and they have failed 
■•-* ;f:',-|' it, in order to charge such Government 



48 

■with liability, and that otherwise neutrals can ponnit belliger- 
ents from their territories, as a base of operations, to let loose 
their "war dogs" on a peaceful, quiet, frontier village, pilla-* 
ging their banking houses, firing their houses, and murder- 
ing their citizens, far removed from the scenes of rebellion, 
which their government was taxing ail its energies and resour- 
ces, to suppress, and when such neutrals are called upon to 1 
enact " more stringent laws, '' to protect the other belligerent, 
or make reparation for theii* negligence, it is not surprising 
that they should "hesitate, discuss, delay and refrain. "' J 

In conclusion, I beg to say that the facts and circumstan- 'j 

ces connected with this raid became generally known through- 
out the civilized world ; that Secretary Stanton afterwards, m I 
conversation with the writer, declared it to be one of the im- \- 
portant events of the war, not so much as transfering in part ^ 
the scenes and horrors of war, to a peaceful, loyal State, but j 
as leading to serious and dangerous complications with Great i 
Britain, through the desires and efforts of the Southern » 
people to involve Canada, and through her, Britain, in a war on I 
behalf of their Southern fi'iends. • | 

And I doul)t not that every intelligent Yermonter must 1 

fully realize that history must and will give these events that I 

prominence and importance they deserve. I 

They will remember, that in history, the conspiracies to as- 1 

sassinate Egdon, the King of Moab, resulting in his destruc- | 

tion ; and that of Morat, the I'rench Eevolutionar}' Leader, ..' 

sharing the same fate : and the gun-powder conspiracy, under | 

the leadership of Guy Fawkes, to blow up and destroy, the | 

Enghsh Parliament, seasonably discovered and frustrated, | 

though of no greater scope and importance in their results, ^ 

have each been given a record in history, which will perpetuate i 

them throughout all its annals. It may not be presumptu- I 

ous, then, to conjecture that this conspiracy, though its de- I 

tails are not fully known, will yet be ranked in importance, as } 

one of the greatest conspiracies ever known, to subvert and 
destroy a government, save only that successful conspiracy 
to destroy Caesar, the Emperor of Eome, of w'hich Brutus | 

was the leader, and ihat greater and unsuccessful one, of Jef- * 

ferson Davis and his coadjutors in the great rebellion of 1861. 
C?esar's bloody garment threw Home again into slavery, but 
all the machinations of slavery-conspirators, of which this I 
raid was a prominent one, could not undermine or destroy the | 
foundations of this great Repuljlic 1 



I 



(Jj-v<.\yt a c 



p 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



VERMONT 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



OCTOBER 15, 1878. 



\ 








MONTPELTER : 

J. & J. M. POLAND, OFFICIAL STATE PRmTERS. 
1878. 



Resolved by the Senate and Hmise of Represetiiatives : 

That the Secretary of the Senate be instructed to procure the printing of 
two thousand copies of the proceedings and addresses delivered before the 
Vermont Historical Society and General Assembly, on the 15th iust., by 
President M. H. Buckham and Hon. E. P. Walton, for the use of the His- 
torical Society, the State Library, and the General Assembly, as follows : — 
To each member of the Senate and House of Representatives, two copies ; 
to each Town Clerk, one copy ; to each College, Normal School, and Acad- 
emy in this State, one copy ; to the Governor, each of the heads of Depart- 
ments, and each Judge of the Supreme Court, one copy ; to the State Li- 
brary, two hundred copies ; to the Vermont Historical Society, three hun- 
dred and fifty copies ; and the remaining copies shall be divided between the 
public Libraries in the State not otherwise supplied, under direction of the 
State Librarian. 

Passed in the Senate and House of Representatives, Oct. 17, 1S78. 






PROCEEDINGS 



The aunual meeting of the Vermont Historical Society 
was called in Room No. 12 at the State House, at Montpelier, 
on Tuesda}', October 15th, 1878, at four o'clock in the afternoon. 

The meeting was called to order by the President. 

The records of the last meeting were read by the Secretary, 
and approved. 

On motion, Hon. E. P. Colton, of Irasburgh, was elected a 
member of the Society. 

Mr. Heath moved that the President appoint a committee of 
three to nominate a list of officers for the year ensuing ; 

Which was agi'eed to, and Hon. Charles H. Heath, Hon. 
R. S. Taft, and Hon. E. P. Colton, were appointed such 
committee. 

Mr. Heath declining to serve.,- Hon. E. A. Sowles was ap- 
pointed a member of such committee" 

On motion of Hon. G. G. Benedict, Hon. D. P. Webster, 
of Putney, was elected a member of the Society. 

On motion of Rev. W. S. Hazen, Frank Plumley, Esq., of 
Northfield, was elected a member of the Society. 

On motion. Rev. J. H. Hincks, of Montpelier, was elected a 
member of the Society. 



iv Vermont Historical Society. 

On motion of M. D. Oilman, Esq., Rev. Henry A. Hazen, 
of Billerica, Mass., Prof. Noah Cressy, of Amherst, Mass., 
and Dr. Samuel A. Green, of Boston, Mass., were elected as 
corresponding members of the Society ; and 

Thomas P. Rogers, of Burlington, Andrew J. Howe, of 
Montpelier, Chauncy K. Williams, of Rutland, and Rev. A. 
D. Barber, of Montpelier, were elected resident members of 
the Society; and ' ' 

James Hutchinson, of West Randolph, and Hon. Roswell 
Farnham, were re-instated as members of the Society. 

The report of the Treasurer was read, and, on motion, was 
accepted and adopted. 

The Committee on Nominations reported the following as a 
list of officers of the Society for the year ensuing : 

President— Uoiii. E. P. WALTON, of Montpelier. 

Vice Presidents — Hon. James Barrett, of Woodstock ; Rev. ^ 

William S. Hazen, of Northfield ; Hon. Edward A. Sowles, | 

of St, Albans. /, I 

Recording Secretary — Charles W. Porter, of Montpelier. 

Corresponding Secretaries — Hon. O. G. Benedict, of Bur- I 

lington ; Henry Clark, of Rutjand. f 

Treasurer — John W. Page, of Montpelier. ■ 

Librariayi — Marcus D. Oilman, of Montpelier. 

Curators — Hon. R. 8. Taft, of Burlington ; H. A. Cutting, 
M. D., of Lunenburgh ; Hon. Gilbert A. Davis, of Reading; 
H. A.' Huse, Esq., of Montpelier; Hon. E. P. Colton, of 
Irasburgh. 

Printing and Publishing Comrnittee — Hon. Hiland Hall, of 
Bennington; Hon. E. P. Walton, of Montpelier ; Hon. Chas. 
H. Heath, of Montpelier. I 



rMf. ,,.''.*t4"X m 



rf^ ■■:-'. >. •!• 



! 



/ 



Vermont Historical Society. v 

Which report was accepted and adopted, and the persons 
therein named were elected officers of the Society for the year 
ensuing. 

The report of the Librarian was read, and, on motion, ac- 
cepted and adopted. 

Mr. Oilman moved that a list of the donations to the Society, 
with the names of the donors, be published with the Proceedings 
of the Society; 

Which motion was asrreed to. 

Mr. Taft moved that the President and Librarian of the 80- 
ciet}' be appointed a committee to solicit an appropriation of 
money bj' the Legislature, to be used in procuring the binding 
of the unbound Collections of the Society ; which was agreed to. 

Mr. SowLES offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, That this Society, recognizing the valuable services of ^liss A. 
M. Hemenway as editor of the Vermont GAZE'rrEER, and appreciating the 
G.^ZETTEER as a depository of historical information of very high value to the 
people of the State, respectfully request the Legislature to assist Miss Hem- 
enway in the completion of her work by authorizing a subscription for copies 
of the Gazetteer on the part of the State, or in such other manner as their 
wisdom may direct. 

Which was adopted. 

Mr. Oilman moved that Mr. A. E. Knapp's Genealogical 
Record be recommended by the Society for use in the families 
of Vermont r which was agreed to. 

On motion of Mr. Oilman, Moses E. Cheney, of Barnard, 
was elected a member of the Society. 

On motion of Mr. Clark, Oeorge F. Koon, of North Ben- 
nington, was elected a member, and Hon. Clark Jillson, of 
Worcester, Mass., a corresponding member, of the Society. 

On motion of Mr. Benedict, Hon. Homer N. Hibbarb, of 
Chicago, III., was elected a correspbndingmemberof the Society. 

On motion, the Society adjourned to meefin Representatives' 
Hall, at 7 o'clock this evening. 



vl ■ Vei'mont Historical Society. 

EVENING. ■ 

The Vermont Historical Society met in Representatives' 
Hall, at the State House, on Tuesda}^ evening, October 15, 
at 7 o'clock, pursuant to the order of adjournment. 

The meeting was called to order by the President. 

Pra^'er was offered by Rev. W. S. Hazen. 

Rev. M. H. BuCKHAM, D. D., delivered an address. Sub- 
ject, " The late Rev. William H. Lord, D. D." ' 

Hon. E. P. Walton delivered an address. Subject, ''The 
First Legislature of Vermont." 

On motion, the following persons were elected members of 
the Society: Hon. James L. Martin, of Londonderry; Hon. { 

Nathan T. Sprague, of Brandon ; Hon. Albert Sow^les, of f 

St. Albans ; Hon. Jed. P. Ladd, of Alburgh ; Edward ' 

Conant, of Randolph; M. C. Hyde, of Poultnej' ; Joseph A. | 

Wing, of Montpelier ; Dr. D. G. Kemp, of Montpelier. | 

Mr. Oilman otfered the following resolution : | 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Society be tendered to Rev. M. H. Buck- | 

ham and Hon. E. P. Walton, for their addresses delivered this evening. 

Which was adopted. 

On motion, the Society adjourned. 

CHARLES W. PORTER, 

Secretary, 



BIENNIAL REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN 



Vermont Historical Society. 



The following is a summary of the additions to the library of 
the Society for the two 3'ears ending October 8, 1878 : 

1876-7. Books, bound, vols 406 

Newspapers, mostly unbound, vols 75 

Pamphlets '. 744 

Other articles 10 

Total 1235 

1877-8. Books 201 

Pamphlets r 1635 

Newspapers, vols 94 

Maps 51 

Copper and Silver Coins 97 

Indian relics loo 

Other articles 5 

2183 

Total for the two years 3418 

Thus it appears that the Society is in a flourishing condition ; 
its immediate wants are a few hundred dollars for putting in 
order and binding its large accumulation of newspapers, maga- 
zines, &c., and "more room" for its rapidly increasing library. 



V 



viii Ve7'mont Historical Society. 

NAMES OF DONORS 

AND OTHERS WITH WHOM EXCHANGES HAVE BEEN ilADE. 



Chief of Engineers, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C. — 14 vols. Reports 
of Explorations, Surveys, &c. ; 42 Maps, mostly of Battlefields of the late 
civil war. 

P. S. Palmer, Plattsburgh, N. Y. — i pamphlet, Battle of Valcour, on Lake 
Champlain, Oct. 11, 1776. 

Essex Institute, Salem, Mass. — 33 numbers of Bulletin ; 9 parts of Col- 
lections.. 

Bureau of Education, Washington, D. C. — 10 vols, of Reports on Ed- 
ucation, etc. 

Worcester (Mass.) Society of Antiquity — 3 pamph., Proceedings, etc 

Franklin Society, Chicago — 12 nos. of T^e Printing Press. 

Wm. G. Brooks, Esq., Boston — i manuscript, Tour of Cadets of Xorwich 
University to Manchester, Vt., in 1823. 

Barnes Frisbie, Poultney — 4 copies of his History of Poultney. 

Miss A. M. Hemenway, Burlington, Vt. — i Military Sword, worn by Gen. 
DeKalb, when he fell in the War of the Revolution ; i Small Sword, worn 
by Lieut. N. M. Clark, when he fell in a duel at New Orleans ; i Autograph 
Note of Thomas Jefferson : i vol. " Clarke Family." 

Z. Chandler, 'Secretary of the Interior — 2 vols. House and Senate 
JoumaL 

. American Antiquarlvn Society, Worcester, Mass. — 5 pamphlets, Pro- 
ceedings, etc 

Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston— 7 vols. Proceedings, Col- 
lations, etc 

S. J. Allen, Hartford, "Vt. — i pamphlet. Vision, &c, 1795. 

Hiram Carleton, Montpelier, — i document, Autograph of Andrew 
Jackson. 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania — 26 vols, books, 10 panaphlets. 

Dr. Samuel A. Green, Boston — 13 vols, books, 54 pamphlets. 

Joel Munsell, Albany — 19 vols, books. 



-lo'J ':«^ 



j:)J? ,*:g'n ■'>•*•► 



^. Vermont Historical Society. - ix 

Yale College — 4 catalogues and obituaries. 

Rev. S. L. Gerould, Goffstown, N. H. — 6 pamphlets. 

B. F. PeCosta, New York — 21 books and pamphlets^ 

Hon. E. P. Walton, Montpelier — 18 vols, books and 2 manuscripts. 

H. B. Dawson, New York — 17 vols, books. 

State Historical vSociety of Wisconsin — 135 vols, books and pam- 
phlets. 

Col. A. H. HoYT, Cincinnati — i pamphlet. 

Rev. J. M. C. Fulton, Montpelier — 2 vols., Works of the Learned. 
London : 1739. 

R. M. Underhill, West Dorset, Vt. — i Musket, once owned by Ethan 
Allen. 

A. E. Knapp, Poultney — i vol., Genealogical Record. 

D. P. Holton, New York — 3 pamphlets, Bulletins of Pilgrim Record 
Society. 

G. P. Conn, Concord, N. H. — i vol.. Transactions of New Hampshire 
Medical Society, 1875-6. 

Medico-Legal Society, New York — i copy Sanitarian. 

Mrs. F. R. Aldrich, Barre, Vt. — 21 pamphlets ; 20 vols, newspapers. 

R. Battell, Norfolk, Conn. — i vol., Life of Gen. Putnam. 

Treasury Department, Washington — 3 vols,, Coast Survey, etc. 

Smithsonian Institution, Washington — 38 vols.. Contributions, Re- 
ports, etc 

Geo. B. Reed, Boston — i copy. Tribute to Hon. B. R. Curtiss. 

H. G. LuNT, Evanston, 111. — i copy Addresses, &c., N. W. University. 

Theodore Lyman, Boston — i pamphlet, the "Garrison Mob." 

Chas. P. Marsh, Woodstock, Vt. — 2 copies " Woodstock Centennial," 
1876. 

Robert S. Hale, Elizabethtown, N. Y. — i copy "Hale Family." 

Licking County Pioneer and Antiquarian Society, Newark, Ohio, 
— 5 vols.. Proceedings, &c.; 7 pamphlets. 

Rev. E. F. Slafter, Boston — 6 vols, books. 

L N. Hard, Manchester, Vt. — i copy Sermon, 1782. 

Redwood Library, Newport, R. I. — 3 pamphlets. 

James Anglim, Washington, D. C. — i vol., Lanman's Biog. Annals. 

Albert Smith, Peterborough, N. H. — i vol.. History of Peterborough. 



X ^ Vermont Historical Society. 

FiRELAND Historical Society, Norwalk, Ohio — 6 vols., Ft'rehmfs 
Pioneer. 

J. S. PiERSON, New York — 17 vols., Relathtg to the Civil War. 

Miss Ellen D. Larned, Thompson, Conn. — i copy Vol. i. History of 
Wmdham County, Conn. 

New Haven (Conn.) Historical Society — 2 vols.. Collections. 

Admiral Rodgers, Annapolis, Md. — i copy History Naval Academy. 

Albany Institute, Albany, N. Y. — 6 vols. Transactions ; 10 pamphlets. 

Humane Society, Boston — i copy History of the Society. 

E. G. Pettigrew, Ludlow, Vt. — 4 Ames' Almanacs, 1763-7. 

Historical Society of Montana — i vol. Collections. 

Will. Sullivan, Montpelier — i vol., 1841, Ladies' Repository, Lowell, 
Mass. ; contains plate and sketch of Vermont Capitol, erected in 1833-4. 

W. Parsons Lunt, Boston — 4 vols, books. 

South Carolina Historical Society — i vol. Collections ; i pamphlet. 

University of Vermont— 4 pamphlets. 

Virginia Historical Society, R. A. Brock — 3 volumes, 49 pamphlets, 
and 4 newspapers, containing Historical articles. 

New Hampshire Antiquarian Society — i volume ; 10 pamphlets. 

Georgia Historical Society — 2 vols. Collections ; 3 pamphlets. 

New Jersey Historical Society — 15 vols. Collections and Proceedings. 

New England Society of Orange, N. J. — 3 pamphlets. 

New Hampshire Historical Society — 4 vols. Collections. 
. Minnesota Historical Society — 7 vols ; 23 pamphlets. 

L Smucker, Newark, Ohio — 6 vols ; i pamphlet. 

A. C. Smith, Esq., Litchfield, Minn. — 4 vols, and 2 maps. 

Mrs. George Langdon, Montpelier — 21 vols., books; 26 pamphlets. 

CH-\uncy K. Williams, Rutland — 125 copies Rutland Centennial ; 150 
rare Vermont pamphlets. 

T. C. Phinney, Montpelier — 14 vols., books. 

Senator Edmunds — 6 vols. Documents and Record. 

John H. Hart, Philiadelphia — i pamphlet. Centennial. 

Rev. L. H. Elliot, Bradford, Vt. — i vol. History of Prince Arthur. 

L. H. Hemenway, Manchester, Vt.— 3 vols. Gazetteers. 

Dominion of Canada — 3 vols. Geological Reports, 
"I C. C. Savage, E. Brooklyn, N. Y. — i copy Greeley Memorial. 



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riiaib-i 



Vermont Historical Society. xi 

Department Interior, Washington — Fac simile of ist Census of Benning- 
ton, 1790. 

K H. Harrington, Irasburgh, Vt. — 38 pamphlets. 

Maumee Valley Pioneer and Historical Society, Toledo, Ohio— 
I copy Proceedings, 1877. 

Joseph Williams, Belfast Me. — i copy History of Belfast. 

Chas. L. Woodward, New York — 8 pamphlets. 

J. K. TOBEY, Calais, Vt. — 3 pamphlets, Grange Reports. 

State of Michigan — i pamphlet on Education. 

E. O. Childs, Newton, Mass. — i vol. Newton Centennial. 

J. H. Leonard, San Jose, Cal. — 50 vols. Newspapers unbound. 
New York Genealogical Society — 2 vols. Quarterly Record. 
J. F. Williams, St. Paul, Minn.— i copy Memorial, V. J. Walker, of Ver- 
mont ; 2 vols, books. 
Supervisors, San Francisco — 2 vols. Municipal Reports. 
Gov. PIartranft, Harrisburg, Pa. — 3 vols. Archives, Second Series. 

B. B. Smalley, Burlington — i copy Proceedings Dem. Convention at St. 
Louis, 1876. 

S. B. Ryder, Brandon, Vt. — 18 Baptist pamphlets. 

Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, Cleve- 
land — II vols. Collections, Geology, &c 

F. H. Butler & Co., Windsor, Vt. — 2 photographs of Old Constitution 
House, Windsor, Vt., 1777. 

Dartmouth College — i vol; 4 pamphlets. 

Chicago Public Library — i copy Annual Report. 

J. H. Merrifield, Newfane, Vt. — 7 copies History of Newfane. 

Fletcher Library, Burlington, Vt. — i copy Catalogue of Library. 

W. B. Lapham, Augusta, Me. — i vol. Centennial Addresses. 

C. C. Dawson, Saratoga — i vol. Dawson Genealogy. 

Mercantile Library Association, N. Y. — i copy 56th Annual Report. 

L. H. Kellogg, Benson, Vt. — i Revolutionary Sword worn by Lieut. 
Isaac Nash of Brattleboro, at the time he fell at the battle of Bennington. 

De Bernardy Brothers, London — 2 vols, of Next of Kin Gazette. 

Geo. E. Ranney, Lansing, Mich. — i vol. Transactions Mick State Med 
Society. 

Geo. Olcott, Charlestown, N. H. — 2 copies History of Charlestown. 






('.: 'V 



xii ' ' Vermont Historical Society. 

Alfred Oilman, Lowell, Mass. — i copy Contributions to Old Residents' 
Association. 

Nathan Crosby, Lowell, Mass. — i copy "A. Crosby Family." 

Mrs. F. F. Merrill, Montpelier— 6 vols. Vt. Books. 

A. D. Hager, Chicago — i copy " Illinois Sons of Vt. 

Rev. C. Hammond, Monson, Mass. — i copy "Report on Academies." 

Diocese of Vt., T. H. Canfield, Sec'y — 2 Annual Conventions. 

A. T. Turner-, Boston — 3 vols. Auditor's Reports, 1875-7-8. 

Dr. G. N. Brigham, G. Rapids, Mich. — i copy " Harvest Moon," Poems. 

Hiram Walters, Bennington — i cannon ball picked up on the battle- 
field. 

Mrs. William Clark, Newbury, Vt . . i co'py Steele's Royalton and Cap- 
tivity. 

Rev. H. A. Hazen. Billerica, Mass. .66 pamphlets; 3 vols, books. 

Rev. Lewis Grout, Brattleboro, Vt. .3 vols, books. 

Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, Boston. . i copy of his Address in Baltimore, 
1877 ; I copy of his Biography and Works, and History of Massachusetts 
Agriculture. 

Athen^um, St. Johnsbury, Vt. . i copy Catalogue of Library. 

George E. Emery, Lynn, Mass. .3 copies of early maps. 

Tufts College, Mass. . .Collegian 2 years and 5 pamphlets. 

George L. Harrison, Philadelphia. .1 vol. "Chapters of Social Science." 

Edward Jarvis, Dorchester, Mass..i vol. History of Progress in the 
United States. 

.Rev. L P. Langworthy, Boston. 4 Vt. Bible Society Reports. ' :': 

Peter G. Smith, Montpelier — i copy McOrmsby's Speller. 

Barre Academy, J. S. Spaulding — 3 catalogues. 

Boston Public Library — Bulletins and monthly Reports ; Annual Re- 
ports; and Proceedings at Dedication of Jamaica Plain Branch. ^^:: 

Maine Board of Agriculture — 7 vols, on various subjects. 

Hon. Nath'l Eaton, Middlesex, Vt. — 21 pamphlets. 

John Langdon Sibley, Cambridge, Mass. — 16 Yale catalogues. 

Samuel Wells, Montpelier — File of Montpelier village Reports ; File of 
Farmers' Mutual Reports ; 3 Vt. Directories ; i vol. manuscript Records of 
Montpelier Fire Department, 1S09-1854 ; 60 pamphlets. 

Prof. J. D. Butler, Madison, Wis. — 18 pamphlets of his authorship. 



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'n.i.-- -'ti: no 



^Afy.ffi 






.X»1V.. ' 

n' n: ■r.t 



Vermont Historical Society. xiii 

GoDDARD Seminary, Barre — 3 catalogues. 

J. S. CiLLEY, Brandon — Graded Scl?ool, 2 catalogues. 

Hon. L. P. Poland — 3 vols, of his Speeches and Reports. 

C. S. Forbes, St, Albans, Vt — i copy Bennington Centennial, 1877. 

C. P. Thayer, M. D., Burlington — 2 copies of his Vt. Medical Register, 
1877. 

Hon. Albert Clarke, St. Albans— 7 pamphlets. 

Dea. L. L. Dutcher, St. Albans — i copy his" History of St. Albans ; i 
copy his Manual of Congregational Church. 

Middlebury College — 14 College pamphlets. 

Perkins Academy, South Woodstock, Vt — i catalogue. 

James H. Holmes, Montpelier — i copy of his Window Gardening. 

Maryland Historical Society — 5 vols. ; 7 pamphlets. 

R. I. Historical Society. .21 pamphlets. 

Appalachian Mountain Club, Boston. .4 pamphlets. 

Connecticut Historical Society. .2 vols. Collections. 

New England Historical Genealogical Society, Boston, Mass... 
2 vols. Quarterly Register ; 2 pamphlets, proceedings ; i pamphlet, Me- 
morial. 

J. S. Senter, Philadelphia. .2 vols. ; i map. 

Tuttle & Co., Rutland. . 135 pamphlets ; 3 volumes books. 

Kansas Historical Society. . i vol. ; i pamphlet. 

Maine Historical Society. .2 vol. Collections. 

Rev. F. Butler, Windsor, Vt. .2 paniphlets. 

Prof. J. M. Currier, Castleton, Vt..20 vols.; 75 pamphlets; 100 Indian 
relics. 

Mrs. Julia C. R. Dorr, Rutland. .4 vols, of her Works. 

Rev. C. S. Smith, Montpelier. .3 vols. ; 15 pamphlets. 

Long Island Historical Society. .22 vols. ; i pamphlet. 

George F. Koon, North Bennington, Vt..75 Vt. Registers and Alma- 
nacs (Walton's) etc, ; a file of Journal of the Times, a newspaper edited by 
William Lloyd Garrison, at Bennington, 1828-9 J ^ ^^^ o^ ^^^ Emancipator, 
by Garrison, 1845-7 ; a file of the Telegraph, Brandon, 1S33, together with 
other files of newspapers ; 50 Vt. Almanacs of early dates ; 97 copper and 
silver coins ; 48 volumes of books, mostly Vermont; 125 pamphlets, many 
rare. 



iifx 



, /•-(i,-/)!/- J -.; ».; 



'/ ai. .17 ,nc 



xiv Vermont Historical Society. 

New York Genealogical and Biographical Society, New York 
City. .2 vols. Quarterly Record. 

Moses E. Cheney, Barnard, Vt. .37 numbers early Vt. newspapers ; 2 Vt. 
pamphlets, Barnard imprint ; 8 other Vt. books and pamphlets. 

J. M. Slade, Middlebury. . 10 copies Slade's State Papers. 

New York State Library. .1 copy Report, 1876. 

J. S. Spaulding, Barre, Vt .. 2 pamphlets ; School Report, and History 
of Barre Academy, &c. 

Caledonia County Academy, Peacham..7 catalogues, 1870-77. 
• Maine Genealogical and Biographical Society.. 2 vols. Quarterly 
Genealogist; i vol. Ricker Family. 

Miss Mary^O. Nutting, South Hadley, Mass. ..2 vols; 2 pamphlets. 

Rev. C. L. Goodell, St. Louis . . 2 sermons by himself. 

E. C. Palmer, Rutland, Vt. . . 5 vols, school books by T. H. Palmer. 

Am. Swedenborg Publishing Company, N. Y..,2o vols Swedenborg's 
Works. 

Patent Office, Washington. .Official Gazette, from Jan'y i, 1878. 

W. W. Cadvvell's Estate, Montpelier. .File of NewYorkTribuue, 184S- 
74 ; 40 vols., books and pamphlets. 

Mrs. Mary P. S. Cun-s, Brattleboro, Vt...i vol Poems; 4 pamphlets, 
all Vermont. 

Mrs. Melusina Fay Pierce, Cambridge, Mass.. .4 copies of addresses by 
herself. 

Gen. W. S. Stryker, Trenton, N. J . . 2 vols. 4to, Record of New Jersey 
in the Civil War. 

Rev. Silas Ketchum, Poquonock, Conn. .1 copy his eulogy on Senator 
Wilson. 

Rev. C. B. Drake, Royalton, Vt — i copy Church Centennial, Royalton, 
1877. ' - ^ 

E. W- Thompson, Montpelier. .2 old bank bills. 

Minnesota Academy Sciences. .1 copy Bulletin of 1876. 

J. C. B. Davis, New York. . i copy his letter on Charles Sumner and Ala- 
bama Claims, 1878. 

D. T. Taylor, Rouses Point, N. Y. .100 copies, all different, of Adventi- 
cal and Prophetical newspapers in United States. 

Henry Stevens, London,— i copy Caxton Bible Exhibition, 1877. 



^9l/.i|aw.. 



Vermont Historical Society. xy 

Miss Betsey W. Cadwell, Montpelier . . i copy quarto Bible, Brattleboroy 
1816; 3 vols, books; 4 pamphlets. 

D. R. Whiting, Boston . . i copy History of Suffolk Bank. 

Misses Philena and Phcebe F. McKeen, Andover, Mass. ..From the 
estate of their late father, Rev. Silas McKeen, Bradford, Vf., 35 vols., un- 
bound, Vt. Chronicle, 1S35-76; ID vols. Bradford Opinion, and other papers; 
800 pamphlets and small books. A valuable addition. 

City of Toledo, Ohio. .Public Library Report, 1877. ' ' 

James H. Phelps, -West Townshend, Vt . . i copy Part I, Acton, of His- 
tory of Townshend. 

Delaware Historical Society, Wilmington. .1 vol. Henry Hudson; 8 
pamphlets ; i Portrait of Geo. Read. 

Academy of Sciences, Davenport, Iowa — Part I of Vol. 2 of Proceedings. 

A. R. Spofford, Washington, D. C. . . 10 copies Congressional Directory: 
I copy American Almanac. 

J. C. Williams, Danby, Vt. .6 copies his History of Danby. 

C. K. Field, Brattleboro . . i copy his History of Field Family ; i copy 
of Trial, Torrey vs. Field. 

J. A. Wing, Montpelier. . ii copies his " Pluck and other Poems." 

Senator Morrill. .4 vols. U. S. documents. 

Dr. L. C. Butler, Esse.x, Vt. . . i vol. Vt. Med. Soc'y Proceedings, 1864- 
76; 4 vols, same in part ; 4 copies his History of Essex, Vt. 

Prof. N. Cressy, Amherst, Mass. . . 10 vols. Smithsonian Contributions ; 
5 vols., other books. 

Library Company, Philiadelphia. .Bulletin, New Series, No. i. 

Nova Scotia Historical Society, Halifax. .1 copy Record of Commis- 
sion, etc ♦ 

U. S. Naval Observatory. .1 copy Instructions, etc. 

Georgia, Historical Society, Savannah. .1 copy vol. 4, Collections. 

Am. Arc. and Numis. Society, New York. .Proceedings, with Prof. An- 
thon's Address, 1878. , 

Tho\la.s H. Canfield, Sec'y, Burlington. .Diocese of Vermont Report, 
1878. 

Chicago Historical Society. .Biography of Gen. B. J. Swett. 

Col. C. H. Joyce, Rutland. . 12 of his Speeches in Congress : i vol. U. S. 
Coast Survey ; i vol. Commercial Relations. 



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V'.' 



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".■■' 'V't. : ii-iv,, h;\i:' N Mils * ^■■> :</r'.':> 71 






xvi Vermont Historical Society. 

H. F. Hill, Concord, N. H. .N. H. Publishers' Conventions, 1877-78. 
F. Kidder, Boston. .His Address — Discovery of America by John Cabot. 
Henry T. Drowne, New York. .4 historical pamphlets. 
Free Press Association, Burlington. .Weekly Free Press seven years. 
Hiram Atkins, Montpelier. .Weekly Argus 6^ Patriot, eight years. 

Some large additions have been received since Oct. 8, which 
do not appear in this report. 

The larger part of the above list has been received through 
exchanges ; a small fraction has been purchased under the direc- 
tion of the officers. We trust that citizens of Vermont will not 
forget the wants of the Society to the extent they have in the 
past. 

Respectfully submitted. 

M. D. GILIVIAN, Librarian, 

Montpelier, Vt., Oct. 15, 1878. 



:.«•,v.'i^»'^0■^v\. 



MEMORIAL ADDEEyS 

ON THE 

LIPE AND CHAEACTEE 

OF THE 

REV. WILLIAM H. LORD, D. D 



A Paper read before the Vermont Historical Society, 

AT MONTPELIER, OcT. 15, 1878, 

BY Prest. MATTHEW H. BUCKHAM. 



ADDRESS. 



Mr. President and Gentlemen 

of the Historical Society : 
Bj your invitation I am to speak in memon* of our late asso- 
ciate, Dr. William H. Lord. This recognition Dr. Lord 
merits from this society. He was for man}^ 3'ears one of its 
most assiduous members ; was its president from 1869 to 1876; 
and is entitled to a large share of the honor which the society, 
now established and prosperous, reflects upon its earliest, its 
ablest, and its most faithful supporters. But it is not the mere 
ceremonious compliment paid to a deceased official which you 
expect of me to-night. Dr. Lord did not belong to the class of 
men whose respectable virtues you commemorate in a resolu- 
tion, which you enter on 3'our minutes, and then pass on to the 
order of the da}'. When such a man leaves the stage of life, 
History claims a place for him. He filled a large space in the 
public eye ; he was a man of broad, many-sided character ; 
many interests claim a part of him as their own ; many callings, 
ranks, classes make up the long procession of his grateful and 
bereaved admirers. Letters, learning, public enterprise, so- 
ciety, friendship, all are eager to pay him a tribute of affection, 
for to all he gave freely of his own. And yet, if Dr. Lord has 
impressed himself upon the history of the State in such a way 
as to merit the thoughtful attention of the Historical Society, it 



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ffl.J 1 






: ^'jt'- .Vii'.li'j h 






is mainly through the work which he did as a Christian Minis- 
ter, and so it is of him in this capacity that I am called chiefly 
to speak. I ofler no apology to this secular body for the fre- 
quent references to sacred names and things which my theme 
requires. Religion has as legitimate a place in history as any 
other of man's interests, and its ministers act as important a 
part in the world's great affairs as do those of legislation, or 
war, or justice. Dr. Lord himself, though he had but a modest 
estimate of his abilities, did not doubt that in doing his appro- 
priate work as a minister he was as really influencing the intel- 
ligence and culture, the legislation and jurisprudence, the in- 
dustry and the social economy of the State, and was thus as 
really shaping its history*, as if he had been working more di- 
rectly for these ends in any of the secular professions. It is 
well that there should be public recognition of this truth at such 
a time and place as this. Vermont is what it is, its history, 
its character, its high place in the regards of the nation and the 
world are what the}' are, partly, I might say largely, because of 
the potent though noiseless influence of its Christian ministers 
of all denominations. The mass of them, laboring in obscurity 
and humility, and often all the more successfully for that rea- 
son," History can honor only as she honors the mass of faithful 
workers in other fields, by honoring their calling and recogniz- 
ing the value of their services. When, however, one of their 
number, by reason of larger gifts or favoring opportunities, 
rises to eminence among his brethren, and, in some good de- 
gree, becomes a representative to the world of the merits and 
value of the Christian ministry. History duly recognizes and 
honors the whole body by according to him a place bj' the side 
of the great soldiers, statesmen and jmists whom she delights 
to honor. 






i:vy?.'Ui .r 



William Hates Lord was born of Rev. Nathan Lord and 
Elizabeth King Leland Lord, March 11th, 1824, at Amherst, 
New Hampshire. In 1828 Rev. Nathan Lord, then pastor of 
the Congregational church at Amherst, was called to the presi- 
dency of Dartmouth College, a post which he filled for thirty- 
five 3'ears with distinguished ability, associating his name insep- 
arably with the histor}' of Dartmouth College, as did his con- 
temporaries. Dr. Nott with Union College, Dr. Humphrey with 
Amherst, and Dr. Mark Hopkins with Williams. No estimate of 
William H. Lord would do him justice which failed to appreciate 
the strong influence over him of that remarkable man from 
whom he inherited some of his most characteristic mental and 
moral traits and some of his most pronounced opinions. Brought 
at this early age into the midst of a college circle, he had the 
advantage and the disadvantage of growing up in an atmos- 
phere of learning and of being fore-ordained to a collegiate 
career. The advantage of such a position is obvious ; the dis- 
advantage is no less real, and lies in the danger that a liberal 
education, most valued when it is a far-away prize to be won 
with toil and sacrifice, will when it comes without effort be ac- 
cepted without enthusiasm. That it was so in the case of some 
of his brothers and not so in his own, reveals in him a strong 
native aptitude for intellectual pursuits. Having received his 
preparatory education at Moor's Charity School at Hanover, he 
entered Dartmouth College in 1839, in his sixteenth year, an 
older and a younger brother being also members of the same 
class. Professor Sanborn, one of his instructors, sa3's of him : 
"He was even then, young as he was, a marked man. A 
stranger entering the class for the first time would have been 
impressed by his manly appearance and dignity of deportment. 
He wore a serious and earnest expression of countenance and 



6 

'seemed unusually grave for ,his 3'ears." On the other hand, a 
classmate says of him : "He never seemed to have the manner 
of a close student, but was always playful and ready for any 
college sports. His frank, friendly manner and his uniform 
good nature made him one of the best known and most popular 
members of the class." From these diverse but not conflictiiig: 
accounts^ it is easy to see what he was as a college student. 
grave and earnest when on duty ; genial, mirthful, frolicksome, 
as a bo}" should be, when his task was done ; the same, in short. 
that he was all through life. From both sources of information 
we learn that he was one of the best scholars in his class, rank- 
ing well in all his studies and excelling in the departments of 
language and literature. His name appears among those elected 
to the Phi Beta Kappa Society from his class, and the Com- 
mencement schedule shows that he received the appointment to 
deliver the Greek poem, both of which facts contirm the testi- 
mony to his high rank in scholarship. The subject of his poem 
was "The Ruins of Mycenae." His class was one ^f uncommon 
ability, numbering among its man}' names since honored those 
of the scholarl}' and beloved Putnam, afterward Professor ot" 
Greek at Dartmouth, whose name is still fragrant in the memory 
of all who knew^ him, and of Alva Hove}', professor in Newton 
Theological Seminary, one of the most learned men of his own 
or of any denomination. It is no small praise to have been ac- 
counted the peer of such men as these, whose careers, as well 
as his own, furnish a new contirmation of the ride, in despite of 
some exceptions, that the foremost men in college are likely to 
be leaders in the great world. 

In matters of religion he was inclined, during the early part 
of his course, to be somewhat skeptical, probably after the or- 
dinary youthtul fashion. Coming in contact, however, with a 



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'I : 



rff e 



classmate whose skepticism was stronger and deeper than his 
own, he assumed the attitude of a defender of the truth, and 
thus recovered his own faith, and before graduating became a 
decidedlj' religious man both in con\iction and experience. 
Having chosen the ministry as his profession, he entered upon 
his theological studies at Andover immediate!}' after his gradu- 
ation, and completed the prescribed course in 1846. In an ad- 
dress to the Princeton theological students in 1876, he gives 
some reminiscences of his life at Andover. '' Thirty years ago," 
he says, " I was in the first half of my theological course at 
Andover.* The old theological lightf which had ruled the day 
then for forty j'ears was just touching the western horizon, slowly 
sinking to his evening's repose. The keen critical exegete:]: who 
had been transferred from a pulpit in New Haven, and who 
mingled in his instructions a keen analysis of Scripture with a 
child-like love for his Saviour, was also unbuckling his harness in 
order to lay it aside. He had worn it so long that when it was 
taken off his life went with it. Under the tempered radiance of 
their parting instructions, I received whatever ideas I had before 
I entered upon it, of the nature of the minister's work. They 
were vague and dim, it is true, for aside from the fact that He- 
brew and Dogmatic Theology and the culture of the Rhetorical 
art and Ecclesiastical Histor}^ absorbed all thought, it is not 
given to young men so to anticipate the future as to be ready 
for all its emergencies." I have inferred from the testimony of 
his contemporaries at Andover that he was not there quite the 
marked man that Professor Sanborn describes him as being at 
Hanover ; that Hebrew and Dogmatic Theology did not absorb 
quite all of his thoughts, but that he then felt the charms of 
those delicious invitations to mere literary enjoyment against 
• Probably written in 1875. t Leonard Woods. t Moses Stuart. 



to endure the wear and strain of our intense American life. 

In an anniversary sermon preached twenty years from the 
date of his settlement, Mr. Lord said to his people: "On the 
first Sabbath of 18-47 I was allowed for the first time to call 



i 

which he had to contend all his life after. It is the testimony { 
of an intimate acquaintance that those who knevv him there did [ 
not anticipate for him the brilliant career which was before him, ? 
though his occasional exhibitions of remarkable quickness and I 
power of concentration indicated to them that he might attain | 
eminence if he cared to pay the price for it. It is easy, indeed, ■ 
for us to see that the qualities which afterwards distinguished 
him were not those which would enable him to shine in a theo- f 
logical seminary. He was not a sharp philological critic ; he i 
was not a subtle logician ; he could state an opinion with clear- • 
ness and force, and present it with luminous illustration and 
persuasive appeal, better than he could maintain it m the lists ; 
against all comers. | 
Shortly after finishing his tlieological studies, Mr. Lord began J 
to preach to the Congregational church in Montpelier, and re- J 
ceiving a call from the church to be its pastor, was installed 
over it September 20th, 1847. He was then onl}' twenty-three 
years old. It is quite safe to affirm that no young man, how- 
ever strong his constitution and however decided his abilities, f 
can undertake such a charge at such an age without suffering \ 
for it.- Abundant facts on all hands show that the 3'ears of full ^ 
professional labor and anxiet}' which precede thirty are likeh' to I 
be avensfed by twice their number subtracted from the workincr 
years be3'ond fifty. The young men of this generation will not I 
have learned all the lesson of Dr. Lord's life and death, if they I 
continue to make haste to get into their profession or their busi- I 



ness before body and mind have become sutficienth' compacted i 



,1 ..-••.. -f. 



VI. 



t,! 












•If-.' ; .t-^'l 



your attention to the subjects of our common faith. INIy dis- 
course was upon Christ as the true object of the sinner's regard, 
as the sole object of the believer's love. -It was intended to be 
the key-note of nw ministry, and I trust that but little of my 
ministry has been out of harmony with it." On another occa- 
sion he spoke thus: ''The place of a minister's influence, use- 
fulness and power is in the pulpit, and the pulpit was made to 
uphold, defend and publish the Word of God. A minister may 
waste his influence, impair his usefulness, honeycomb his heart 
and soften his intellect, by giving his first care to what are 
popularly termed the social duties of his oflSce ; but he may 
build a permanent parish, reach a wide community, unveil the 
great wisdom and wealth of Christian truth and feed and enrich 
the church of God, only by close study of the Scriptures, by 
patient mastery of the revelation, and b}' a determination to 
resist all importunity to be a minister of popular delectation 
and devote himself to the commission of Christ and preach the 
gospel. No suavity of address, no genial social grace, no 
sweetness of the hand in common intercourse can command men, 
can help and save them like a voice that is inspired with the 
whole truth of God, like a lip that trembles with love for Him 
of whom it speaks and for them to whom it speaks." No words 
of mine could so well describe Dr. Lord's ministry of thirty 
years, what it was and what it was not, as this simple statement 
of its theme, this eloquent defence of its method. He was em- 
phatically a preacher ; tliis he made the main work of his life : 
to this he gave his whole mind Dm\ heart. He was not emphat- 
ically a pastor. He did not belong to the very useful class of 
men who are rather dull in the pul[)it. but active and sym)^)a- 
thetic in their house-to-house and hand-to-hand labors ; nor to 



I the still more useful class of men who do both kinds of service 

I 



(;. '," ■ '..ii 



v:) .""r 



10 

with a moderate and always acceptable ability ; but to the ? 

smaller class who make the pulpit a throne of beneficent power, | 

but whose ver}" royal t}^ prevents an eas}^ and welcome access to j 

the hearts of men on the common level of life. Whether or I 
Dot these men are to be accounted more favored of God and 
more useful in his church, is not for us to sav. That he endows 



I 

I 

this class of men with ^reatrnfts for one kind of work and with- '" 

holds the qualities needed for the other, shows that he has a * 

place for them. Dr. Lord thought he could say with St. Paul, f 

"Christ sent me not" to do this or that other important work, 
''but to preach the gospel." And it was the gospel that he 
preached — not his own or other men's doubts and guesses about 
the glorious and the awful things of eternity, but the truth as 
it is revealed, and as it is embodied in Jesus Christ. It is not 
too much to say that for thirty years he preached Christ to the 
people of Montpelier. And yet his preaching was no iteration 
of commonplaces. Christ, as he conceived and preached him, | 

was not the mere author of a 33'stem of truth which could be f 

stated in propositions and soon exhausted, but the source and 
channel of a new life which flows in upon our old sin-wasted hu- 
manity, reviving, stimulating, gloriMng every part of it. And j 
so he aimed to preach Christ as he stands related to every part 
of our human life which he touched while he was with us — ' 
Christ at the marriage in Cana of Galilee, at the home in Beth- I 
any, and by the grave of Lazarus, blessing and sanctifying our ' 

humaii relations ; no less than Christ on the Mount of Trans- 

I 
figuration, in the Garden of Gethsemane, and on the cross of | 

Calvary, revealing to us the profounder needs and the loftier | 

capabilities of our spiritual nature. The distinguishing merit 

of Dr. Lord's preaching, as regards its substance, was a rare 

and happy combination of the intensely evangelical with the 



h 



' -('tiv i 






Hi' fr'd !0.:. i*(i> .tj((' 



11 

broadl}' human spirit. One consequence of this was, that his 
preaching interested a great variet}' of minds. The lovers of 
good doctrine enjoyed its. biblical flavor ; those who think only 
through their feelings were melted by its tenderness ; the 
Marthas liked it for the help it gave them in every-da}- duties ; 
the- Marj's were attracted b}- the spirit of piety that breathed 
through it ; business men, lawyers, members of the legislature, 
enjoyed listening to a man who thought strongl}' and felt deep- 
ly on the things of this life — knew more and cared more about 
them, perhaps, than thej' did, and yet who cared still more and 
felt still more deeply about the things of the spirit and of the life 
to^come. In a sermon preached about two 3'ears ago, which 
seems to have made a deep impression on man}' members of the 
last legislature, for several of them have spoken to me of it, I 
find this passage : ''How we misjudge the value of things ! I 
have often done it. I should hardlj' dare tell how much in ni}- 
own soul I have loved this world and the things of this world ; 
how I have deemed those fortunate who have no strife with the 
fierce wild beasts of povert}' and want, who have inherited or 
found fortune, or been born to social rank. I will not say how 
at times I have wished I might have turned my powers, as some 
say, to a better account, and been able to look forward to the 
evening daj's of this hfe without any anxious care, and then 
die and leave a fortune to my children. But alas, I ought to 
be ashamed of such a thought. For the fortunate man is not 
the one who has all that money can bu}', but the one who has 
what money can never buy ; the fortunate, blessed child is not 
the one launched out into life on a rich argosy of material com- 
forts and appointments, but who starts in life with industry and 
self-denial, sound principle and reasonable culture, a great fear 
of God in his soul and a great love in his heart for Christ and 



•I > . 









.'/-i^^ :v...' iii,.-:l U^ ■;. - ^ : 



<-M'^ .1ltfi>' !)£.•: (I -'ifc. /ix; 






■ ' 12 

for his fellow men. Reverence, gratitude, trust, love, obedience. 
an unconquerable will to keep every command of God, never 
take wings. They are costl}' things ; but they are precious 
things and they last forever. The blessing of God maketh rich 
and wise. I will tr\' to remember that, if ever I want pleasure 
or power or riches more than his blessing," Here was a 
preacher who was also, in a large and full sense, a man ; not a 
feeble, bloodless anchorite declaiming against passions he had 
never felt, and pretending to despise worldly successes he never 
could have won ; but a man who had been fuUy endowed with 
all that belongs to manhood, with a splendid physical organiza- 
tion, with a capacious intellect, with instincts, desires and am- 
bitions which in most men easily become passions, with great 
executive and administrative abiUties ; a man who might have 
won almost any prize the world has to offer, but who had con- 
quered appetite, turned his back on pleasure, refused place and 
power and flung away ambition, and had found satisfaction for 
his intellect, a home for his atfections, a joj'ful activity of all 
the powers of his being, in that religion, at once a truth and a 
life, which centres in the Son of God, who is also the Son of 
Man. It was by such preaching as this, vital, S3'mpathetic, true 
to human experience in its deeper needs, that Dr. Lord not only 
accomplished, in good measure, what he himself laid out for the 
preacher; not onl}' ''unveiled the great wisdom and wealth of 
Christian truth, and fed and enriched the church of God ;" but 
also, to a good degree, did the work of a pastor, conversing with 
his people in their collective capacity more persuasively than he 
could have done by private effort, and attaching them to his 
office and his person by a three-fold cord of admiration, grati- 
tude and affection. 

In the structure and stjde of his sermons. Dr. Lord had some 
marked peculiarities. His method of treating a subject was not 



^K■'^ 



13 

to open it, as the phrase is, to develop it by following the natu- 
ral succession of ideas, and thus to secure constant progress of 
thought and movement of feeling from beginning to end, but to 
put the subject in a succession of striking lights, and thus make 
it attractive to the imagination, interesting to the feelings and 
persuasive to the will. In this respect his orator}' resembled 
that of Dr. Chalmers as well as in affluence of illustration, and 
in the frequent iteration of the same thought in varying forms 
of expression for purposes of amplification and emphasis. His 
rhetoric had an almost oriental warmth and glow ; and yet it 
was chaste as an icicle. His diction was choice and elegant, 
often ''familiar, but by no means vulgar." Both in his ser- 
mons and his exercise of worship he kept studioush' clear of all 
those reckless, irreverent, half profane modes of expression 
which the platform stjie of pulpit services has ' made too com- 
mon. He abhorred above all things what he used to call 
" stump sermons" and *' stump pra3'ers." One of the inciden- 
tal benefits of attending his ministry was an education in good 
English. His method of composition was to select a topic for 
his Sunday's discourse early in the week, to think upon it until 
it graduall}' took shape in his mind, even to its phraseology, 
and then, usually on Saturda}', commit it to writing, which he 
did with great rapidity, seldom altering the structure of a sen- 
tence or correcting a phrase or word. His Nevv Year's sermon 
for 1877, which must have been the last, or last but one, which 
he wrote, is numbered fourteen hundred and nine. This num- 
ber, which does not include his funeral and occasional dis- 
courses, but onU' his preparations for regular Sabbath day ser- 
vices, if distributed evenly over his thirt}' 3-ears ministry, would 
give an average of nearl}' fifty fresh sermons a 3'ear. 

His delivery was pleasing and effective — not marked b}' great 
changes in modulation, accompanied with but little gesture, but 



■' r ]: 



li,. 



- 14 

adapted to impress the hearer with the dignity. of the speaker, 
the gravit}' of the subject and the occasion, and the truth and 
importance of the thought or fccHng expressed. I find that to 
be true in his case which is aflirmed of almost all orators, that 
the spoken word often produced an effect which the mere reader 
cannot account for. There was something in the man, as Web- 
ster has put it, which at times gave to his words a power whose 
spell forever passed away with the occasion. 

It was not to be expected that a small parish like this could 
hide so gifted a preacher as they had secured from the envious 
gaze of larger and wealthier congregations. Dr. Lord received 
many pressing invitations to remove to other and iu some re- 
spects more inviting fields. Of the motives that led him to de- 
cline them, we will hear his own account. After refusing one 
of these invitations, he said to his congregation: *' I love to 
dwell among my own people. But for this sentiment, perhaps 
principle, I might have gone a half-score of times. I have re^ 
sisted attractions of larger places and emoluments, and of other 
positions, by a sort of natural contentment and conservative 
habit. I do not easily change m}* place or opinions. I wUl 
not say I have not been tempted, or that I should not have 
found satisfaction in other places that might have been mine, 
but I have preferred to dwell among my own people.'* It is 
said that on one of these occasions when he went to visit the 
church which had called him, he arose in the pulpit and amid 
the expectation which greeted him announced as his text, with 
total unconsciousness of its appositeness, until he was made 
aware of it by the smile of the audience, "Art thou he that 
should come, or do we look for another?" They had to look 
for another, and he came home and preached an impressive ser- 
mon on the '' Elements of power in the ministry," prominent 
among which he placed its permanency. 



OV '^V'.l 1 



15 

It would not, however, be correct to infer from all this that 
Mr. Lord's ministr}^ was one of uninterrupted smoothness. 
There were elements of discord and occasions of difference, 
which gave rise to irritation on the part of some of his people, 
and disgust on his part, such as would have sundered any pas- 
toral relation less firmly cemented. Dr. Lord's opinions on cer- 
tain political and social questions were distasteful to a portion 
of his congregation. He had inherited, as was before intimated, 
the strongl}' conservative opinions of his father on slavery and on 
the relation of the church to social reforms; He did not ol)trude 
his opinions upon the public, or mix them up with his preaching 
of the gospel, but what he believed he beheved firmly, and he 
was not a man to trim his creed to the passing gale. It is not 
necessary- now either to defend or condemn his course in these 
matters. Some of these questions are now, thank God, obso- 
lete. On some others he somewhat modified his judgment in 
later 3'ears. It belongs to his biographer only to insist upon 
the hold he must have had on the affections of his people, in 
that, amid all the trials and excitements of the times, no one, 
or but few at most, ever thought of parting with their admired 
and beloved pastor, or would have exchanged him for the most 
zealous patriot or the most trenchant reformer in the nation. 

Xot that Mr. Lord was lacking, or was ever supposed to be 
lacking in patriotism, considered apart from politics. His pa- 
triotism, indeed, amounted almost to a passion. No man 
would have dared more, or suffered more, to maintain what he 
considered to be the cause of his countr}'. But as his lot was. 
cast at a time when patriotism, as regards the country at large, 
was to him mainly suffering and waiting, he seems to have lav- 
ished all the wealth of his patriotic feeling on the local com- 
monwealth, on Vermont. It is all too feeble an expression of his 



• 16 

attachment to say that he passionately loved Vermont, its scen- 
ery, its institutions, its people. In a Thanksgiving sermon he 
enjoined upon his people the dut}' of '' special gratitude to God 
for giving them a home where not only every material and es- 
sential purpose of life is answered, but where also there is not 
a moment of any day in our lives when nature is not producing i 

picture after picture, glory after glory, and working constantly ;' 

on the principle of the most perfect beauty, so that everything | 

about us is filled with sources of interest and elements of fascina- i 

k 

tion." His chief recreation was to wander, rod in hand, up and | 

I 

down the valley's that nestle among the hills of Vermont ; and f 

it was a genuine enthusiasm that prompted him to write of Rev. 

Dr. Aiken, of Rutland, a brother in the fishing craft in both [ 

senses, that he did not believe that God had made all the beau- I 

f 

tiful brooks and the beautiful trout of Vermont for the behoof i 

t 

and enjoyment of sinners. He admired no less the people of I 

Vermont, their sturd}' independence, their abhorrence of shams, | 

their domestic vu'tues, their political integrity. It gave him | 

deep inward satisfaction to see how the sensational preachers f 

and lecturers, who had won popularity from the easy credulity } 

of metropolitan audiences, were baffled by the penetrating good I 

f 
sense of a rural audience in Vermont. Proud as he was, aris- ; 

h 

tocrat as he was called, he believed in the people when the peo- ' 

pie are as intelligent and self-respectful as are those of Vermont. | 

Mr. Lord's pulpit was in Montpelier, but his audience was f; 

widely scattered over the State. Through the members of the | 

legislature and others whose duties brought them to the Capital, | 

he reached a large number of the leading men of the State, who I 

carried home with them memories and impressions which ex- | 

tended his influence and reputation. He was, at the time of | 
his death, certainly the best known and most influential minis- 






u.uh' Jilt -l-fl 3. 



■) ■'('■* 'M'.T jr 



...'V, / ■}• 



17 

ter of his denomination in the State, and the most widely known 
out of the State. His presence at councils and his services on 
public occasions were eagerly sought and highly appreciated. 
It was well understood, though never proclaimed by him, that 
more than one Institution of learning would have been glad to 
secure him upon its Faculty, and it was but the confirmation of 
an earlier decoration by the public at large, when his Alma 
Mater in 1867 conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Di- 
vinity. 

During the last years of his life, Dr. Lord added to his other 
labors in the cause of religion a large amount of editorial work 
upon the Vermont Chronicle^ the organ of the Congregational 
body. His contributions to the paper were marked by the same 
strength of thought and brilliancy of finish which characterized 
his sermons. He excelled equally in the crisp, racy paragraph 
for which the Chronicle became famous, and in the sustained 
editorial discussion in which he displa3^ed a vigorous and mas- 
terful grasp of mau}^ of the leading questions of the time. His 
articles for the Princeton Review, elaborated probably with 
more care than anything else from his pen, it would be difficult 
to match for brilliancy of literary execution in any American 
magazine, secular or religious. It is understood that during 
the last months of his life he was engaged in preparing for the 
press a life of his father, which, however, he did not live to 
complete. 

But how shall I fittingly speak of him as a friend ? His ca- 
pacity for friendship was one of the most wonderful things in 
him. Cold, narrow natures are incapable of friendships. Av- 
erage human beings are content with two or three. But here 
was a man who, though very choice in his friendships, was a 
most bountiful lover of other men, and was most devotedly 



•\'idu> -■;« •. 



l>'i 



i.i) ■' ■, ,■.■;:•>,:' 't'^ 



18 

loved by them. His friends were from all classes of society ; 
from all religious denominations ; from all vocations : but all 
were the select men of their class, so that to have been his friend 
was a not unenviable distinction. Among that number I can- 
not justly mention myself, but I am privileged to quote from 
one who for many years enjoyed the closest intimacy with him, 
and whom among all his friends, I think, Mr. Lord would 
himself have chosen to speak of him on this point. Rev. 
Frederick W. Shelton, an Episcopal clergyman, now resi- 
dent in the State of New York, writes of him: '' He was 
the animae dimidium meae — open-hearted, open-handed, hberal 
as the day. Nothing sordid or narrow minded entered into the 
texture or composition of his soul. From the peculiarity of 
our relations and the affinities which drew me to him from the 
start, I was favored in my intercourse with him, perhaps, even 
beyond those who had superior claims. To know a man as I 
knew him is, in most cases, to dissolve the charm of compan- 
ionship and to be acquainted too well. Yet I can say of him 
that he was one of whom I never wearied, whose converse was 
always fresh and fruitful and suggestive, and whose mind was 
subject to no changes. Instead of betraying any weakness or 
imperfection, he grew in my estimation and became perpetually 
a stronger man. An intercourse of twelve years with scarce 
the intermission of a day was broken never by the slightest 
coldness, by a single misapprehension or doubtful act on his 
part, and I declare that I never could find in him or with him 
any fault at all. If he had not been distinguished by intellec- 
tual gifts of a high order, I would have found in him that which 
was dearer still, and my admiration of him would have been no 
less. It seemed to me that the solidity of his acquisitions and 
the brilliancy of his parts were almost dimmed by the grander 



19 

nobility of his soul." If these seem almost romantic expres- 
sions of attachment between man and man, I venture to affirm 
that they would be endorsed, every syllable of them, by other 
friends, b}' Eastman, if he were alive, by Gregory Smith and 
Stewart and Phelps, and a long list of men in whom he inspired 
a Ipve for himself like that of Jonathan for David, passing the 
love of women. 

From the time of Dr. Lord's settlement in Montpelier, I have 
dropped the form of biograph}^ because apart from his personal 
and domestic history, his hfe and his ministry were one. I 
must now, however, resume the narrative from the point when, 
in 1868, suffering the consequences of responsibility assumed 
too early and carried too anxiously, his system began to show 
signs of breaking down, and he was persuaded to take a vaca- 
tion tour in Europe. This trip he intensely enjoyed. His no- 
ble presence and delightful conversational gifts gained for him 
access to some of the most cultivated circles of English society, 
especially at Oxford, where he had an opportunity rarely enjoyed 
by Americans of studying some of the least understood phases 
of Anglican Christianity, the results of which study he embodied 
in his article on the "English Pulpit" in the Princeton Review. 
Under the influence of a change of climate, new occupations, 
and partial respite from care, his health revived. But, like 
Goldsmith's traveller, he carried an untravelled heart. His 
family were far away. Bethany church, the hope of a lifetime, 
was taking shape in stone and mortar. A mere suppl}^ was oc- 
cupying his pulpit. So, after a brief run through Europe, he 
hastened home before his recovery had been completely estab- 
Ushed. Still he called himself well ; preached with all his 
wonted freshness and vigor ; saw Bethany church completed, 
fit memorial, though he knew it not, of his own service for Him 



'l.lil,{ 1} T 



•\iU :": u I '.».'»■ 



,n-'; 



• 51 ; .»;:; 



n 3*. ^ii: i . » '^♦f 



20 

in whose honor it was built ; and in spite of new calls to other 
churches, continued for eight more years to dwell among his 
own people. According to the testimony of this people he 
never preached with such earnestness, solemnity and power as 
during these last years. But to the eyes of his friends he was 
evidently breaking down ; not so much ageing — for his mental 
and moral powers showed no signs of decay — as giving way 
to some hidden destroyer. A terrible calamity, resulting in the 
loss of a little daughter tenderly loved by him, prostrated him 
so completely, both physically and mentally, that it was a long 
time before he recovered from the shock, if he ever did. The 
specific disease of which he died was a question which baffled 
his physicians. If he did not die of a broken heart, it is at 
least true that the terrible grief which came upon him was more 
than his constitution, already undermined, could bear. On 
Sunday, March 18, 1877, in the fiftj'-fourth year of his age, in 
the thirtieth of his pastorate, the gifted man, the powerful 
preacher, the beloved pastor, the brilliant writer, the genial 
friend, passed awa}^ from earth to heaven, and in doing so made 
earth seem poorer for his going from it, and heaven richer for 
his entering it, to a great multitude of men and women, who 
devoutly hope to see him again where he now his. And so to 
aU who knew Df. Lord, especially to those who knew him as 
teacher, pastor and friend, I commit his memory in his own 
words, from among the last he spoke to his people : ''There are 
things which I will never willingly let die. The dead past may 
bury its dead deep as it pleases ; I will help to throw over it 
the ashes of oblivion. But the living past shall have many 
a resurrection in m}- thoughts, and its hol}^ memories shall come 
gliding into my spirit, as angels of God, to bring me nearer to 
Him." 



21 



At the request of President Buckham, I have prepared the following list 
of Dr. Lord's publications, as an appendix to the Address. The list includes, 
I think, all of his published works, with the possible exception of one or two. 

M. D. OILMAN, 
Librarian Vt. Historical Soci^iy: 

1. A Sermon on occasion of the death of Hon. John McLean. Preached 
in Cabot, Vt., Feb. 7, 1855. Montpelier : 1855. 

2. Remembrance of the Righteous. A Sermon on occasion of the death 
of Gen. Ezekiel P. Walton. Preached at Montpelier, Vt., Nov. 29, 1S55. 
Montpelier: 1856. 

3. The Present and the Future. A Sermon on occasion of the death of 
Mrs. Lucretia Prentiss, wife of Hon. Samuel Prentiss. Preached at Mont- 
pener, June 17, 1855. Montpelier: 1855. 

4- A Tract for the Times. National Hospitality. . 

Montpelier: 1855. Pp. 4S. 

5. Life, Death, Immortality. A Sermon on the death of Samuel Prentiss, 
LL. D. Preached in the Congregational Church, in Montpelier, January 18, 
1857. Montpelier: 1858. 

6. A City which hath Foundations. A Sermon preached on occasion of 
the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Organization of the First Congregational 
Church in Montpelier, July 25, 1858. Montpelier: 1858. 

7. A Sermon on occasion of the death of Hon. Ferrand F. Merrill. 
Preached in the Congregational Church, Montpelier, May 8, 1859. Mont- 
pelier: 1859. 

8. A Sermon on the Causes and Remedy of the National Troubles. 
Preached at Montpelier, April 4th, 1861. Montpelier : 1861. 

9. A Sermon on occasion of the death of Rev. James Hobart. Preached 
in the Congregational Church, Berlin, Vt., July 18, 1862. Montpelier : 1S62. 

la In Memoriam. Address at the funeral of Mrs. James T. Thurston, 
Montpelier, April 3, 1865. Montpelier: 1865. 

11. The Uses of the Material Temple. A Sermon preached at the Dedi- 
cation of Bethany Church, Montpelier, Oct. 15, 1S68. Montpelier: 1S68. 

12. Address and Services at the funeral of Dea- Constant W. Storrs, 
Montpelier, March 26, 1872. Montpelier: 1872. 

13. Woman's Mission for Christ. A Sermon preached at the funeral of 
Mrs. James R- Langdon, at Montpelier, Aug. 3, 1S73. Montpelier: 1S73. 

14. Sketch of the Life of Hon. Samuel Prentiss, published in the United 
States Law Magazine, 

Also, two or more articles in the Princeton Review. His connection with 
the Vermont Chronicle as editor for a number of years is noticed by President 
Buckham in his Address. 



THEFIRST 

LEGISLATURE OF VERMONT. 



A Paper read before the Vermont Historical Society, 
AT Montpelier, Oct. 15, 1878, 

BY HON. E. P. WALTON. 






MO' 



THE 

FIRST LEGISLATURE OF VERiMONT. 



The theme assigned to me is the first legislature of Vermont, 
which met at Windsor on the 12th of March, 1778, and again, 
by adjournment, at Bennington on the 4th of the succeeding 
June. The present legislature is therefore the first in the sec- 
ond century of Vermont as an organized state, and this occasion 
has been fitly chosen to commemorate its oldest predecessor. 
Permit me to add, in the presence of man}' representatives or 
the people and officers of the state, an earnest wish, that the 
first legislature of Vermont's second century will, by its wisdom 
and virtue, its decorum and dignity, and a prompt but prudent 
dispatch of its business, furnish an example worth}' of imitation 
by all that shall succeed it. 

The first legislature was the child of the constitution of July 
1777 ; and the constitution was the child of the general conven- 
tions, to which, from 1771 until December 1777, the care of the 
most important interests of the people had been committed. 
These conventions consisted at first of committees of safety 
appointed b}' the several towns; but, in 1776 and 1777, of 
delegates elected by the towns, on warrants issued by a com- 
mittee previously appointed for that purpose. The exigencirs 
of that period were such as to demand the services of the ablest, 
6 



26 

wisest and bravest men in eveiy town. They were to defend 
the title of the people to the land they had bought and improved 
— to win the independence of the state — to form a permanent 
system of government — and finall}', seconded b}' the earh' legis- 
latures, to defend their territory against a foreign foe, and aid 
the countrj'at large in its emancipation from the British crown. 
We cannot doubt, then, that the best men of the several towns 
constituted the general conventions, and in the name and by 
the authority of the people, devized the plans which founded 
and protected the state. These conventions were authorized 
and controlled by no written constitution ; they were not a 
privilege extorted from king or congress, but an assertion of 
the right of the people to govern themselves in their own way. 
There were no fixed times for the elections and meetings of the 
delegates, but every emergency was promptly' met, and the 
elections and meetings were consequently frequent. 

This mode of government, giving supreme power to one body, 
doubtless seems strange to those of us, now the majoritj', who 
have been born and bred under a very different system ; but it 
is the most ancient form of democratic government in the world, 
and it is pleasant to find that all the noblest nations of the 
earth owe the democratic part of their constitutions to the race 
from which ourselves, and a large majority of the people of this 
nation, have descended. More than two thousand years ago, 
antedating the little republic of San Marino more than five 
hundred years, the tribal and national gemots or councils of 
Gennany corresponded almost exactly with the general conven- 
tions and first general assembly of Vermont. German}', char- 
acterized by a modern waiter as ''the standard-bearer and 
treasurer of civilization," was ruled by its freemen. Every 
freeman was entitled to sit and act in the tribal and national 



. • 27 

councils as soon as he was capable of bearing arms ; though 
from the necessities of the case we must suppose that the 
national councils were composed ultimatel^^ of delegates. They 
elected leaders, sometimes called kings, sometimes princes ; 
and they had their wisest and bravest men as councillors ; 
"without, however, resigning the natural rights of man." 
These councils were summoned at fixed periods, and on sudden 
emergencies, and the free vote of the members decided on public 
offences, the election of magistrates, on war or peace ; for 
though the leaders were allowed to discuss all subjects, the 
right of deciding and executing was solely with the freemen. 
The Angles and Saxons transferred the German gemots to 
England, and from that day to this the freemen of England 
have been the supreme power in the land. It was a gemot, 
composed of the barons and peasantry of England, which ex- 
torted from King John the great charter of the liberties of the 
people, that is still the constitution of the realm, and secures to 
the House of Commons supremacy in the government. From 
England the supremacy- of the freemen came to America, and 
became the inheritance of the founders of Vermont.* 

I have not designed this reference to the gemots of Germany 
and England as a digression from the topic assigned to me, but 
rather as an introduction to, and illustration of, the first consti- 
tution and legislature of this state. 

As in the ancient German and Anglo-Saxon gemots, the ex- 
clusive legislative power was in the freemen, or their represen- 
tatives, and the advisory and executive powers in the councils, 
kings, princes or chiefs, but all subject to the freemen, so was 
it for more than half a centurj* in Vermont. Our first consti- 
tution was substantially a copy of Pennsylvania's, and that, in 

♦Tacitus, Ger. §11, cited in Sharon Turner's History of the Anelo-Saxons, 
book vni, chap, iv; and Encyclopaedia Americana, title History of Germany. 



28 

many of its material parts, was but a copy of the frame of gov- 
ernment, founded on the English standard, and accorded b}- 
Charles the ' Second to William Penn and his colony. Little 
gratitude, however, may be due to the king, since the execu- 
tion of his father by the parliament, for his usurpations, may 
have been a sufBcient inducement to the sou to grant to his 
subjects in Pennsylvania the same privileges he was compelled 
to accord to the freemen of England. One vast difference, 
however, is to be noted, to the infinite credit of the founders of 
our State. The privileges of the German and Anglo-Saxon 
gemots were limited to freemen, when in both countries a large 
majority of the. people were serfs or slaves ; whereas, in Ver- 
mont, oil were free — slavery, for the first time in America, was 
prohibited b}' Vermont. 

As the first constitution of Vermont is now accessible in 
almost every organized town of the State, in the first volume of 
the records of the Governor and Council, it will suffice for the 
purposes of this paper to cite only a few sections. The first 
makes a Governor, Deputy Governor, Council, and an Assem- 
bly* of the Representati\'es of the Freemen, the governing power 
of the State ; the second provides that '' the supreme legislative 
power shall be vested in a House of Representatives of the 
Freemen," then denominated the General Assembly ; the third 
that " the supreme executive power shall be vested in a Gov- 
ernor and Council ;" and the fourteenth that '' all bills of public 
nature shall be first laid before the Governor and Council for 
their perusal and proposals of amendment, and shall be printed 
for the consideration of the people, before the}* are read in Gen- 
eral Assembly for the last time of debate and amendment ; ex- 
cept temporary acts, which, after being laid before the Governor 
and Council, maj^ (in case of sudden necessity) be passed into 



'29 

laws." This revisor}^ power of the Governor and Council over 
bills was subsequent!}^ extended so as to permit that body to 
suspend, until after the election of another Assembly, such bills 
as were not approved — a mode of submitting disputable cn.ses 
to the people which was occasionally adopted. The eighteenth 
section required the Governor and Council "to prepare such 
business as may appear to them necessary to lay before the 
General Assembly " — and the Governor and Council did, on re- 
quest, prepare bills for the Assembly ; and on more than one 
occasion met and voted with it on matters upon which the As- 
sembly could come to no satisfactory conclusion. 

It thus appears that the representatives of the freemen of the 
several towns, in General Assembly convened, had supreme 
legislative power, which now they share with the Senate : and 
that the functions of the Governor and Council, in respect to 
the Assembly, were simply advisory. The governor submitted 
his views on public matters in an annual speech, delivered in 
person in a joint assembly of the two houses — a custom which 
of late has usually been discarded for a written message. As 
the Senate and House now do, the two houses then sent bills, 
each to the other, for consideration ; but in respect to amend- 
ments, on which the two 'houses were not agreed, both had a 
custom which may possibly be restored with advantage : it was 
for each house to inform the other, verbally by one of its mem- 
bers, or by a written message, of the reasons of the disagree- 
ment. Obviously this method enabled each house to understand 
correctly the views of the other, and the records abiindaiuiy 
prove that the result very often was to harmonize both. 

Another difference from our present system deserves tiot •«■*'. 
The Governor, Deputy Governor and Councillors const Hut*^! 
<>ne body, called the Governor and Council— the Governor m 



30 

the chair, having a casting vote when the Council was equally 
divided ; and the Deputy Governor acting as Governor in the 
absence of that officer, and in his presence as a Councillor. 
The particular difference to which I refer is, that the Council 
was a board of advisers to the Governor in all executive mat- 
ters, and, in cases of urgent importance, it was specialh" sum- 
moned to act in that capacity. It cannot be doubted that the 
abolition of the Council has been a gTeat loss to the Governor, 
who, in the multitude of petitions for the pardon of criminals, 
as well as in matters of much greater delicac}' and Importance, 
must often keenly feel the need of authorized and responsible 
advisers. As to petitions for pardon, the ancient custom for 
many 3'ears relieved the Governor almost entirely, every case 
being decided b^* a vote of the Council by jeas and nays. 

I now give a list of the persons who composed the first leg- 
islature, so far as I have been able to ascertain, premising that 
the titles are those used in 1778. And first of the 

ConsxiL OF Safety. 
The constitution provided that the Council of Safet}', ap- 
pointed by the General Convention of Jul}', 1777, should " sup- 
ply the place of a Council for the next General Assembly, un- 
til the new Council be declared chosen." Eight of the twelve 
members of the Council of Safety are known to have been pres- 
ent on the 12th of March, 1778, to wit: Col. Thomas Chitten- 
den, President^ of Williston, but then of Arlington, for which 
town he was a member elect to the General Assembl}-. Capt. 
Ira Allen of Colchester, but then of Sunderland ; Col. Benja- 
min Carpenter of Guilford, and Nathan Clark of Bennington, 
each a member elect to the Assembh* ; and Col. Timothy Brovrn- 
son of Sunderland, Maj. Jeremiah Clarjc of Shaftsbury. Doct. 
Jonas Fay of Bennington, and Doct. Paul Spooner of Ilartland, 



..!» .' " .'■' 









', ' ;0(fJir- >iI'.M-tW "> fe-i^f:'.' -Hi 



j::,';-.'jT5 ^ft 



;.n -1.,. r.'-M v«: 



-<■>■■■ 



•:'Jl '\:v 









31 

who were of the committee to canvass the votes for State offi- 
cers. The constitution required the appointment of this com- 
mittee " out of the Council, and Assembly." In the roll of the 
Council of Safety, in Vol. I of the records of the Governor and 
Council, Jeremiah Clark of Shaftsbmy was recorded as having 
been ^' probabl}-" a member; but as Mr. Clark could not have 
been a member of the Assembl}^ Shaftsbury being fully repre- 
sented by other persons, it is now certain that he was a mem- 
ber of the Council of Safety. In the same roll, Matthew Lyon, 
then of Arlington, was recorded as having been " probably" a 
member ; but as Col. Timoth}' Brownson of Sunderland was 
not a member of the first Assembly, and was one of the can- 
vassing committee, it ia now certain that he was, and L3'on was 
not, a member of the Council of Safet}'. These conclusions 
cannot now be doubted, except upon the monstrous assumption 
that the Assembl}', in its first act after its organization for bus- 
iness, grossly violated a plain requirement of the constitution. 
I cannot dismiss that bodj^ of noble men without saying, that 
they were selected because of eminent services in the General 
Conventions, and perfect confidence in their patriotism, sagac- 
ity, and energ3^ Their untiring exertions in the campaign of 
1777 fully justified that confidence, and the subsequent reten- 
tion of nearly- all of them in important offices, proves the high 
estimate of their character entertained by the people of the State. 

Governor and Council. 
The roll of that body was as follows : Col. Thomas Chitten- 
den of Wilhston, then of Arlington, Governor. He was trans- 
ferred from the Assembl}'. Col. Joseph Marsh of Hartford, 
Deimty Governor — he was transferred from the Assembly. 
Councillors — Col. Ira Allen of Colchester, then residing in Sun- 
*^'dau(l ; Gen. Jacob Bayley of Newbury ; Hon. Joseph Bow- 



32 

ker of Rutland, who was transferred from the speaker^s chair in 
the Assembly ; Col. Timothy Brownson of Sunderland ; Col. 
Benjamin Carj^enter of Guilford — who was transferred from the 
Assembly ; Maj. Jeremiah Clark of Shaftsburj' ; Benjamin Em- 
mons, Esq., of "Woodstock; Doct. Jonas Fay of Bennington; 
Maj. Thomas Murdock of Norwich ; Col. Peter Olcott of Nor- 
wich — who was transferred from the Assembly ; Col. Moses 
Robinson of Bennington, and Doct. Paul Spooner of Hartland. 
Secretary of Council, and also Secretary of State, Maj. Thomas 
Chandler, Jr., of Chester. Deputy Secretary of the Council 
April 9 to the close of the session, Matthew Lyon, then of 
Arlington. 

Of the sixteen persons, members and officers, constituting 
the executive body, six were born in Connecticut, five in Massa- 
chusetts, and one in Ireland — leaving four whose bu'th-places I 
have not ascertained. The Governor, and eight of the twelve 
Councillors, had been members of the Council of Safety. 

Of the first Council, and indeed of a ver}- large majoritj' that 
succeeded it, no man living can speak from personal knowledge. 
but the record of all has ])een preserved, and it is an honorable 
record. In the first fifty-nine State elections, all the Governors 
but five were selected from the Council ; and an examination of 
the list of Councillors will show a long line of other officers of 
high dignity, such as Deput}' Governors, Senators and Members 
of Congress, and Judges of the Supreme Court. Born in the 
village where the Goveinor and Council long sat, and interested 
at an early age in public men and the doings of the legislature, 
I personally remember many of the men who composed the 
last twelve Councils, and vividly I remember the old Council 
chamber. When I entered it, I walked softly, for there sat 
grave, earnest, but quiet men, inspiring me with the awe I im- 






1 -..^S' l;f 



it»:'p . lofji:: /•;»'•' ^^IT ' J' 






33 ' 

agine I should feel in entering an ancient cathedral, full of sacred 
scenes, and memorials of the great and good per[3etuated in 
sculptured marble. Surel}' the Governor and Council was 
eminent for abilit}', integrity, and wisdom ; and as I remember 
it I must testif}', that for dignity it was not surpassed by the 
United States Senate, when I first saw it, in the days of Clay, 
Webster, Calhoun, Silas Wright, Prentiss, and Benton. But 
the members of the Council were by no means ascetic or aristo- 
cratic. Religious men, as a body, they had the charity, the 
fidelity to every trust, and the generous sentiments that are the 
outgrowth of true religion The first Governor Chittenden was 
t^nibly earnest in protecting the infant State from every foe, 
whether from within or without, but tradition tells us that he 
was hospitable, generous to the needy to the full measure of his 
ability, genial, and of a ready wit. Governor Tichenor was 
the most accomplished gentleman of his tune in Vermont, and 
of ways so winning, that the people again and again made him 
Governor, when the entire list of Councillors and a majorit}' of 
the Assembl}', chosen on the same day, were politically oppo- 
sed to him. In later days, within my remembrance, the Bap- 
tist Elder Leland, and the Methodist OUn, both members of 
the Council as Lieut. Governor, were decidedly jolly men, full 
of wit that etfectuall}- seconded their wisdom. And I am sure 
that even the gravest of our governors, the Baptist Elder, Ezra 
Butler, was not unfrequently provoked by the jollity of his 
Baptist brothe]- Leland, to respond with as keen wit and shar- 
per sarcasm. 

No part of the record of the Governor and Council was ever 

printed until recently, when the work of printing it, with such 

documents as could be found touching the earh' history of the 

State, was committed to me, and has been nearly completed. 

7 ' 



Ju'<i 



Ki)'(l' 'I'll 



34 

Thus I have been necessaril}' brought to a knowledge of that 
body from the beginning, and in justice to the men who compo- 
sed it, I have felt mj-self bound to record this tribute. 

The General Assembly. 
The list of officers of what is now known as the House of 
Representatives, but was originally styled the General Assem- 
bly, has been gathered from the official record, to wit : Speaker^ 
Hon. Joseph Bowker of Rutland, who was the President of the 
Convention which adopted the constitution ; Clerk, Maj. Thomas 
Chandler jr. of Chester. Both of these were transferred from the 
Assembly to the Council on the first sitting of that body on the 
13th of March 1778. When these vacancies had been filled and 
other officers added, the organization of the Assembly embraced 
the following persons : Speaker, Hon- Nathan Clark of Benning- 
ton ; Clerk, Benjamin Baldwin of Bradford ; Assistant Clerks, 
Doct. Reuben Jones of Rockingham, Doct. Samuel King of Marl- 
borough, and Col. John Barrett of Springfield, the clerk and his 
assistants being all members of the house ; Monitor, Elijah Al- 
vord of Wilmington ; Sheriff, Capt. John Benjamin; and Co7i- 
stable, Gideon Cowls, probably both of Windsor. The business 
of monitor is to be surmised rather than described. We may 
safely assume that a Speaker, Sherift', and Constable were suffi- 
cient to preserve order in a body consisting probably- of less than 
seventy-five persons. In some of the subsequent legislatures, 
*'no work, no pay," was the rule, and it may have been in the 
first ; so one of the duties of the monitor may have been to note 
those members who were absent without leave, to the end that 
a just settlement might be made at the close of the session. 
The new members of a legislative bod}' are apt to cling to the 
coat-tails, as the phrase is, of those of more experience in whom 
they confide, and it is wise to do so. Perhaps Mr. Ah ord was 



35 

appointed monitor because of special qualifications to act as 
guide and friend to the neophytes who sat with him. The first 
legislature must have had some members new to its business ; 
though I am confident that even that body had more men in it, 
in proportion to its number of members, accustomed to its work 
in general conventions, and legislative bodies of other states, 
than any of the most recent legislatures of Vermont have had. 

No roll of the representatives in the first General Assembh- 
was entered upon the record, neither were the 3'eas and nays 
recorded ; so it will probably never be possible 'to gather a 
complete one. The following list was made, from such sources 
as were accessible, by the late Leonard Deming of Middlebury, 
and printed in 1851. It seems to be correct so far as it goes, 
and is arranged by counties as they now are. 

Bennington County. 
Arlington^ Col. Thomas Chittenden, who was transferred to 
the executive chair ; Bennington^ Nathan Clark, who was 
Speaker, and Capt. John Fassett senior ; Dorset, Deac. Cephas 
Kent ; Manchester, Stephen Washburn and Lieut. Gideon 
Ormsby ; Pownal, Lieut. Thomas Jewett ; Rupert, Moses Rob- 
inson ; Shaftshury, John Burnham and Maj. Gideon Olin. 

Windham County. 
Duwmerston, Lieut. Leonard Spaulding ; Guilford, Col. Ben- 
jamin Carpenter, who was transferred to the Council, and ^Maj. 
John Shepardson ; Halifax, Ensign Edward Harris and Hubbcll 
Wells; Londonderry, Deac. Edward Aiken; Marlborough, 
Doct. Samuel King ; Rockingham, Joshua Webb and Doct. 
Reuben Jones; Townshend, Col. Sanmel Fletcher; Westmin- 
ster, Nathaniel Robinson ; Wldtingham, Silas Hamilton ; 117/- 
mington, Elijah Alvord. 



36 

Windsor County. 
Barnard, Capt. Edmond Hodges ; Cavendish, John Coflfem ; 
Chester, Maj. Thomas Chandler jr., who was Secretary of the 
Council and of State; HartJand, Capt. William Gallup; Pom- 
fret, -^ohxi Winchester Dana; Springfield, Col. John Barrett; 
Weailiersfield, Israel Burlingame ; Windsor, Capt. Ebenezer 
Curtis and Deac. Thomas Cooper ; Woodstock, Capt. John 
Strong. 

Rutland County. 

Brandon, Capt. Thomas Tuttle ; Castleton, Zadock Reming- 
ton ; Clarendon, Abner Lewis ; Danhy, Capt. Thomas Rowley ; 
Pawlet, Capt. Zadock Everest ; Pittsford, Jonathan Fassett ; 
Poultney, Deac. William Ward ; Rutland, Capt. Joseph Bow- 
ker, who was transferred to the Council, and Capt. John Smith ; 
Tinmouth, Charles Brewster ; Wcdlingford, Deac. Abraham 
Jackson ; Wells, Daniel Culver. 

Orange County. 

Bradford, Benjamin Baldwin, who was Clerk of the Assem- 
bly ; Newbury, Col. Jacob Kent and Capt. John G. D. Bailey : 
Thetford, Timothy Bartholomew. 

Caledonia County. 

Barnet, Col. Alexander Harvey. 

Of the persons named in the foiegoing list, Capt. Thomas 
Tuttle of Brandon and Zadock Remington of Castleton were 
''dismissed or expelled" the House, June 12 1778. Brandon 
was not an organized town at that time ; and it is recorded of 
Mr. Remington that "during the revolutionar}' war he was 
thought by some to be a little inclined to the British interests, 
or at least to look timidly upon the struggle of the colonies." 



ml A. 



tf-.ft'l 



. . •y'lP.H 



37 

A brother of his was arrested, convicted, and punished as a 
tory.* 

I add to Deming's list the following names, now given for 
the first time in any roll. 

Bennington County. 

Dorset^ Col. John Strong, June 12 1778 it was "Voted, 
that Col. Strong keep his seat in this House." Col. John 
Strong of Addison then resided in Dorset, represented it in the 
Assembly 1779 until 1783, and sat in the Council seventeen 
years. 

Sunderland^ Joseph Bradley. I admit this name on the 
authority of a history of Sunderland in Vol. i of the Vermont 
Historical Magazine. Mr. Bradley was grandfather of a very 
energetic business man and politician of Burlington, the late 
Harry Bradley. 

Windso7^ County. 

Hartford, Joseph Marsh, who was transferred to the Council 
as Deputy Governor. 

Norwich, Col. Peter Olcott, who was transferred to the 
Council, and Jacob Burton. . 

Messrs. Marsh and Olcott were not members of the Council 
of Safety, and were appointed on the canvassing committee ; 
hence it is evident that they sat as representatives on the first 
daj' of the session. Mr. Burton was appointed on the commit- 
tee to report rules of the House, and subsequently represented 
Norwich. 

Sharon, Capt. Daniel Gilbert. March 19 1778 it was "Voted, 
to dismiss Daniel Gilbert from this Assembly for the present, 
for certain reasons, &c." This nmst be construed as simply a 



* Vermont Historical Magazine, Vol. iii, pp. 505-6; and Governor and Co-ancil, 
Vol. I, pp. 165, 281. 



', Hi J' 



.,.: ' ii •jd 



i'^n^• J ,ui 0.} 



''1 o:^ h 



' 38 

leave of absence, and probably for military service. Other 
military gentlemen of the House were dismissed, or had leave 
of absence, in like manner. 

Orange County, 
Strafford^ Joshua Tucker. The record of March 13 1778 is, 
**that Joshua Tuck have liberty to return home ;" but I do not 
find that name in the early records, and infer that Joshua 
Tucker, a .selectman of Straiford in 1778, was the person 
intended. Strafford was not organized until five days after the 
meeting of the legislature, and that may have been good 
ground for releasing Mr. Tucker. 

Representatives of toicns not certainly Jcnoicn. 

I now add the names of the following representatives, whose 
residence in 1778 is not certainly known : 

Lieut. Joseph Safford. — March 20 1778, it was "Voted, 
that Lieut. Joseph Saff'ord have leave of absence, on reasons 
offered to this House." A letter of his in 1781 was dated at 
Arlington, which town was entitled to two members and had 
but one in Deming's list. 

Capt. John Coughran. — March 26 1778, it was "Voted, that 
Capt. John Coughran have leave of absence for the present." 
A year later, Lieut. John Coughran was in Dorset ; but that 
town was fully represented without him. 

Doct. TJiomas Amsden. — March 26 1778, "Doct. Amsden*, 
was appointed on a committee with two known members, to 
copy acts of the legislature for the information of the people. 
Thomas Amsden rendered an account for that service, dated at 
Dummerston, which was allowed b}' the governor to "Doct. 
Amsden." Dummerston was probabh* entitled to two members 
in March 1778, and had but one in Deming's list. 



J.v>o7 



39 

Simeon CJiandler. — June 12 1778, it was "Voted, that Mr. 
Simeon Chandler retain or keep his seat in this House." Simeon 
Chandler of Arlington settled in Middlebury in 1775, but was 
forced by the invasions of 1776-7 to leave that town. It is 
hardly safe to assume that he returned to Arhngton and was 
one of the representatives of that town in 1778, since it is 
equall}' probable that Joseph Satford was the additional mem- 
ber of that town. Mr. Chandler resumed his settlement at 
Middlebury in 1779, as in April of that 3'ear he signed a certifi- 
cate as ''constable of Middlebury." In 1798 he removed to 
the northern part of the state. 

Capt. John Maston. — The record of June 13 1778 is, that 
'^Capt. John Maston took his seat in this Assembly." I have 
found no other trace of this name. 

Moses Johnson. March 14 1778, it was ""Voted, that Moses 
Johnson be dismist this House." Putney had a citizen of that 
name from 17G4 until 1776, and probabh' until his death about 
1783. That town was possibly entitled to two members, and 
had none in Deming's list. • 

From the foregoing it appears that fifty towns were repre- 
sented in the first legislature, by sixty-three members — thus 
showing that thirteen towns had two members each. It is prob- 
able that seventeen towns were entitled to two members each, 
but for three of these only one member has been found. At 
least three should therefore be added to the probable number of 
representatives, making in all only sixtj^-six. Thus fifty towns 
were represented, including those whose representatives were 
ultimately excluded, while the state has now two hundred and 
forty-one towns entitled to representation ; showing that less 



^I 









40 . 

than one fourth of the existing towns were represented in the 
first Assembly. 

By the first constitution, each town having eighty taxable 
inhabitants was entitled to two representatives for the first sep- 
tenary, and all others one. Of the fifty towns entitled to rep- 
resentation in 1778, seventeen had eighty or more taxable in- 
habitants. These were Arlington, Bennington, Dorset, Man- 
chester, Pownal, Rupert and Shaftsbur}', in the county of Ben- 
nington : Dummerston, Guilford, Halifax, Rockingham, and 
Westminster, in the county of Windham ; Norwich. Windsor. 
and Woodstock, in the count}' of Windsor ; Rutland in the { 

count}* of Rutland ; and Newbury in the count}* of Orange. 
The remaining thirty-three towns represented in 1778 had, 
each, less than eighty taxable inhabitants. Of the present | 

fourteen counties only six were represented ; and of these Cal- ] 

edonia had but one represeutatative. So it appears that the 
present counties of Addison, Chittenden, Essex, Frankhn, 
Grand Isle, Lamoille, Orleans, and Washington were not rep- 
resented in the first General Assembly. 

Assuming that the fifty towns first represented had an aver- 
age of one hundred taxable inhabitants, and a population five 
times greater than that — which is near the fact — the population 
of the State in 1778 did not exceed twenty-five thousand. The 
Rev. Zadock Thompson estimated it at twenty thousand in 
1776, and the Rev. Dr. Samuel Williams at thirty thousand in 
1783. It seems reasonable to conclude, that Vermont, in its j 

first century, has multiplied its population by twelve, making | 

an average addition of more than thirty thousand in each ten f 

years. This rate of increase can hardly be maintained in the \ 

century upon which we have just entered ; certainly not. unless I 

the wives of Vennont, like their great grandmothers, and Jewish 



tnU 



41 

wives in all the ages since the da3's of Abraham, shall esteem it 
their highest honor to be the mothers of many children. 

I must not neglect to say, that in the election of the tirst 
representatives, the people undoubtedly' heeded that provision 
of the constitution which required, and still requires, the selec- 
tion of "persons most noted for Vvisdom and virtue." Many 
of the first representatives had been delegates in the preceding 
conventions, to which the care of the highest interests of the 
people had been committed ; and man}- of them subsequently 
filled honorable and useful offices. It would not be difficult to 
extend this paper, b}^ a statement of the public services of the 
men who constituted the first legislature ; but I pass to the last 
topic, which is the work of that body. 

It began its work under great difficulties. There was not a 
lawyer in either house to draft bills and criticise the work of 
unskilful hands. John Burnham represented Shaftsbury, and 
became a successful pettifogger, but in June 1778 he had but 
recently bought his copy of Blackstone. Some members, like 
Governor Chittenden, had probably served as representatives 
and magistrates in the states from which they came ; but if any 
other aid was available, it must have come from some lawyer 
in the lobby — a sort of aid by no means rare in our own day, 
but certainly much rarer then. There was, then, no state 
library, with precedents in printed acts, reports, and legislative 
journals, which are abundantly supplied to the legislators of 
this day. Indeed there is proof of onl}- one book in the posses- 
sion of the first legislature ; and that was the statute-book of 
Connecticut — furnished, I venture to guess, by Governor Chit- 
tenden. Courts were to be established and judges appointed, 
but no lawj'er could be placed on the bench, and no Vermont 
lawyer was placed there until the election of Nathaniel Chipman 
8 % 



i'tlili 









■r 'i:!> "1 



42 

in 1786.* The lawyers were so few that their services were 
required at the bar ; and the decision of cases was uecessarilj' 
left to the good judgment of honest and intelligent farmers, for 
the most part, with occasionallj^ Doctors Paul Spooner and 
Jonas Faj, and the Rev. and Hon. Nathaniel Niles, who in 
early life had been "a student of law, physic, and theology," 
but in Vermont was most widely known and highly honored as 
a politician. He has been st3ded, for his learning, the Athe- 
nian of eastern Vermont. 

Again, the time was unpropitious for the deliberation desir- 
able in organizing a new government. Burgoyne's invasion 
dispersed the convention of Jul}^ 1777, and forced it to adopt 
the constitution without debate. War was exacting also during 
the two sessions of the first legislature. Burg03'ne's splendid 
army had been captured by continental troops, aided largely 
by the Green Mountain Boys ; but in 1778 the continental 
troops had been removed to the south, even Warner's Vermont 
regiment being sent to Albany, so the State was left solely to 
its own resources for defence, against a large bod}' of British 
troops and Indians, then hovering on the northern frontier and 
conmianding Lake Champlain through a naval force. Several 
of the members of the Assembl}' were necessarily dismissed for 
militarj^ service, and no doubt all were anxious to be at home 
in readiness for any emergency. The two sessions were there- 
fore shortj each occupj'ing only thirteen working days. In 
spite of all obstacles, however, the first legislature met its high 
duties promptly, bravely and successfully. Its acts were not 
recorded, printed or preserved ; it was provided that they 



♦During the second unisn with New Hampshire towns, Simeon Olcott of 
Charlestown, N. H., was placed upon the bench and heJd the office nominally 
for a few months. He was an eminent lawyer and judge. 



L 



43 

should be temporary : but from the brief entries of votes in the 
journals of the two houses, an account of the most important 
matters attended to has been gathered. 

The earhest action after the organization was to provide for 
paying the Rangers, who had been raised by orders of the Gen- 
eral Conventions or the Council of Safety ; and another vote 
was to paj' the surgeons, who had attended to the wounded at 
the battle of Bennington. The vote in respect to paying the 
Rangers was given a much broader scope, by adding the words 
"and all other Just debts of this State" — thus indicating that 
the first legislature of Vermont fully believed in two excellent 
rules for both states and citizens, to wit: "Honesty is the 
best policy" — "Pay as 3'ou go." 

Much of the work of both houses related to the defence of 
the state, and the action to be noticed under this head is an 
organization of the militia, which temporarily consisted of two 
regiments west and three east of the mountains ; the reinforce- 
ment of Warner's continental regiment ; the guarding the mili- 
tary stores at Bennington ; the raising of troops from eastern 
and western Vermont to defend the frontiers ; the suppljing 
the towns with gunpowder, lead and flints ; and provisions for 
securing and taking care of tories. 

Ample provisions were made for the administration of civil 
atfairs, and first in importance was an act to adopt the common 
law of England. This act, as it was afterward re-enacted, con- 
tained but a few sections, but it embraced volumes of law for 
the protection of the persons and propert}' of the people, and 
necessitated the immediate adoption of much machinery. The 
state was therefore divided into two counties, Bennington and 
Cumberland ; Bennington comprising western Vermont and 
having two shires, styled Bennington and Rutland ; and Cum- 



J: }'-.r-n.io7. wr? 



T9 07/ f .f; k. 



1 . -..:- 



!t^,;>. ruyO 






44 

berland county embracing eastern Vermont, and having two 
shires, styled Newbury and Westminster. Courts were estab- 
lished in each shire, five judges were appointed in each, provi- 
sion was made for state's attornies, and the Governor and 
Council appointed temporary clerks for the courts, and also 
county surveyors. The first regular superior court was ap- 
pointed b}' the second legislature, but the first legislature pro- 
vided special courts in each shire temporarily. Probate dis- 
tricts and c :urts, and what were styled inferior courts, being 
courts of; .stices of the peace, were also provided for, and the 
election of the judges of probate courts, justices of the peace, 
and sheriffs, was committed to the people. 

The legislation relating to towns consisted of an act fixing a 
day for the election of town officers ; an act relating to high- 
ways ; and an act for making a grand list. These lists were 
used mainly for town purposes. No state tax on the grand 
list was imposed until 1781, and that was for the defence of the 
state, the payment of its debts, and the redemption, in specie. 
of bills of credit issued by the state. 

The acts of general interest were, one to preserve all the 
white pine timber suitable for masts ; another to presers'e all 
the timber on the governor's lots reserved in the New Hamp- 
shire charters ; another granting a premium for the destruction 
of wolves ; another fixing the Lord's day on the first day of the 
week, and doubtless to enforce its observance, such an act hav- 
ing been passed in 1779 ; and another to prevent the counter- 
feiting biUs of credit, doubtless meaning bills issued by the 
continental Congress and on the authority' of the several states. 

One special act only appears, to wit, "preventing some 
individuals catching all the fish that pass and repass up and 
down White River, so-called." This matter occupied both ses- 






■»1J^ r*<>'i 



■L)i Ha •'; 



.:in. 



45 

sions, and thus seems to have been considered of much import- 
ance ; and so indeed it was, if, as is presumable, it was de- 
signed to protect the spawning-beds of the salmon and other 
valuable fish, and perpetuate what was then a very considerable 
source of the support of the people. 

I have not alluded to the controversy then existing between 
Vermont on the one part, and Xew York and New Hampshire 
on the other, which to some extent then divided the people of 
Vermont, and undoubtedly was a source of much anxiety to the 
legislature. Tl i adhesion of a part of the people to New York 
culminated in r bellion against Vermont, and in anticipation of 
that, two acts were passed, to wit: "An act for the punishing 
high treason and other atrocious crimes, as said act stands in 
the Connecticut law-book," and "An act against treacherous 
conspiracies, as said act stands in the Connecticut law-book/ 
Evidently these acts were designed to maintain the authority* of 
the state in all the territorj^ over which it had assumed jurisdic- 
tion. Still another act, instigated by citizens af New Hamp- 
shire, with the approval of leading men in eastern Vermont, 
was for the first union of sundrv New Hampshire towns with 
Vermont. The legislature submitted this matter to the people 
at its first session, and at the second, having received an affirm- 
ative vote, the union was consummated, and led to the union 
of a much greater number of New Hampshire towns, and a 
large section of the territory of New York. Designed in part 
perhaps as retaliation against the two opposing states, it is to 
be presumed that higher motives were, to enlarge and strengthen 
Vermont for defence, and to extort, if by persuasion it could not 
win, its independence and sovereignty. 

I have alread}' said, that no state tax was voted until 1781. 
Now I have to add, that efficient substitutes were provided by 



>iToY 



ii 



46 

the first legislature, in creating and appointing a special supe- 
rior court for banishing tories, and authorizing the Governor 
and Council "to dispose of tor}^ estates." This work had been 
commenced and prosecuted vigorously and successful!}' by the 
Council of Safety in 1777, furnishing means for raising and 
supporting the force which defeated Baum at Bennington, 
aided in the capture of Burgoyne's army, and drove the enem}- 
from Lake George and Ticonderoga uito Canada. The sum 
derived from this source, from July 1777 to October 1786, 
amounted to £190,433 6 s. 4 d. — being more than three fifths of 
all the money received in the state treasury between July 1777 
and October 1786. Surely the tax-payers of that day must have 
said, most heartilj' — "Well done, good and faithful servants." 
And I think I may safely add, for that piece of patriotic finan- 
ciering, and for all the work of the first legislature of Vermont 

so SAY WE ALL. 

Upon the foundation laid by the General Conventions, the 
first legislature erected the structure of a sovereign State, and 
on the 18th of June, 1778, adjourned "until his Excellency the 
Governor commands them to meet." It never met again. 

On the adjournment of the Assembly, March 26 1778, the 
Governor and Council "Voted, that the Hon^^® Joseph Marsh 
Esq""- and the Hon*'^^ Jonas Fay Esq""- be Delegates to Wait on 
the Hon^^* Continental Congress, to announce to that Hon^^® 
body the formation of this State. Likewise voted to invite 
Col*^ Ehsha Payne [of Lebanon, N. H.] to accompany the 
above persons for the purposes above written." I hardly need 
add, that for thirteen years Vermont was not admitted to either 
the continental or federal union of the United States, but 
remained, among all the nations of the earth, a sovereign state, 
defending itself successfully for five 3-ears during the revolu- 



^(H'J 









til i 



47 

tionary war, maintaining its title to independence against New 
York and New Hampshire, and in 1791 winning a place in the 
Federal Union which it has ever since adorned. 

Counting the invitation of this Society as one designed to 
' 'gather up the fragments" of the history of the first legislature, 
"that nothing may be lost," I have made this paper historical 
rather than rhetorical, and commit it now to the archives of the 
Societ3', with the hope that, so long as the world shall stand, 
the facts recorded in it shall never be lost. 



.4, 



— v-^ ■ 

Article No. / ^ ^ ^^ ^^ 

Description \y /-y^c^.^t^^^C.^.^^r^ 

From jgyfex-t^^^^^^**-^^^ y%t>^^ ^ ^f--g:y /^ 

Through CT i^^^^a-,*-*..^^^^^^ 

Received ^ ^<L^ ^^/if^ 



liCr ^ P7- /S^Z^U^^ 



Acknowledged 

Remarks . ^ - ^^^ ^ 



PROCKEDIN^aS 



VERMONT 



HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



OCTOBER 19, 1880. 




M^ 







m.. 



m 



««. 







RUTLAND : 
Tittle A Co.. Offk tal Statk Pjuntkks, 



ResoUed by the Sen ite and House of Reprenentatires : 

'riiat tlif Senetary of tlie ^^eiuite be directr-il to procure tlie printing of 
twelve huiulved and fifty copies of the procee;rin<;.-> of the Vermont Ili.stori- 
cal Society, Oct. IJ), 18bO : and of the address of lion. E. A. Sow^.-s. deliv- 
ered before tliat Society and tlic (irneral Assemldy on the eveiiini.' <tf said 
day, totrether with tlie address of E. J. Plielps, Es<|., on the ViU- and «-}iarac- 
ter of Hon. Samuel Prentiss, to be delivered Upbore said Sociniy at its 
iidjourned nieetiui^ : to be disposed of as follows ; To eacli memb«^r of tlie 
Senate and House of Representatives, one <*o )y ; to each Town Clnrk, one 
•copy ; to each College, Normal School, Academy and i>ublic library in 
this State, one copy : to the (iovernor, each of the heads of dt-pariments, 
and each Judge of the Supreme Court, one co})y ; to the Vermont Histori- 
-cal Society, four hundred copies ; and the remainder to the State i^ibrary 
.subje<n to the control of the Trustees tliereof. 

J NO. I.. BAHSTOW. 

President of He Se.inie. 
JAMES L. MARTIN, 
Speaker cf the Jlouae of l{ei,rese):Uiiize%. 
Approved Oct. Soth, 1880. 

ROSWELL EARN HAM. Governor. 



-^^ 



A 






H"- -v. -^v\,,", 



ACTS OF IHE GENERAL ASSEMBLY. 



AX ACT TO IXCOKPOPtATE THE A'ERMOXT HISTORT- 
CAL AND AXTIQUAKIAN SOC lETY. 

It is herclnf vnactcd hij tlic (if^iimtJ Assembhi of fJir. State of Ver- 
'inn lit. (fs f lit /(!((' s : 

Sec. 1. Heiii'v Stevens, of Btiniet. in tlie County of Caledonia, 
mid Onnnel IT. Smith, I>aniel P. Tliomi)8on and George B. 
Manser, of ^r()iit])elier. in tlie Conntv of Washiniiton. and sneii 
other persons as liave assoeiated aii<l may hereafter assoeiate 
themselves with them, for the |)ur]»ose of collecting a)id preserv- 
ing materials for the civil and natui-al history of the State of 
Vermont, are herehy made a hody corp(n-:itc and ])olitic. hy the 
name <»f T//," M'niiin/t Ilisturiffft oi/ff ^lutitiofriffv Socirti/ ; and 
l)y that name they, and their successors, may sue and he sued ; 
tind shall he cai)ahle in hnv to take and hold in fee simple, or 
otherwise, lands, and tenements, and rents, and hereditaments, 
not exceeding in the Avhole. the yearly value of two thousand 
dollars, exclusive of the Imilding or huildings, which may he 
actually occupied for the ])urposes of the said cor]>oration : aud 
they shall also he capahle in law. to take, receive and hold, 
])ersonal estate, to an amount, the yearly value of which 
shall not exceed the sum of two thousaiul dollars, exclu- 
sive of the hooks, papers, memorials and other articles com- 






"»<> . uiiiui-. •• r 



b.u.. 



iv Vermont Historical Society, 

posing the library and cabinet of the said cori)orati<->n ; and 
shall also have power to sell, demise, exchange, or other- 
wise dispose of all, or part of their lands, tenements, heredita- 
ments and other property, for the benefit of said c<)ri)oration, 
and shall also have a common seal, which they may alter at their 
pleasure, and shall also have power to make by-laws witli suita- 
ble penalties, not repugnant to the laws of this State. 

Sec. 2. The said cori)oration shall liave power from time to 
time, as they may tliink fit, to elect a President and sucli v)tlH'r 
officers as they shall judge necessary ; and at their tirst meeting, 
they may agree u})on the manner of calling future meetings, and 
proceed to execute all, or any of the powers vested in them by 
this act. 

Sec. 3. The library and cabinet of the said corporation 
shall be kept in the town of Barnet, in the County of Caledonia. 

Sec. 4. The said Henry Stevens is authorized to notify the 
first meeting of the said corporation 1)y an advertisement thereof. 
under his haiul, for three weeks before such meeting, in any 
newspaper printed in this State. 

Approved Xovemlier 5, 1838. 



AX ACT IN ADDITION TO AN ACT TO INCOKPOEATE 
THE VERMONT HISTORICAL AND ANTIQUARIAN 
SOCIETY. . 

It i.s hereby enacted, S'c. 

Sec. 1. Section three of *' An Act to incorporate the Vermont 
Historical and Anti(piarian Society,*' requiring that tlie cabinet 
and library of the said corporation shall be kept in the toAvn of 
Barnet. in the county of CaledoTiia, is hereby repealed. 

Approved, Novemljer 25, 1858. 



■ ji 1 ; ii» ,- ': • crut >.1 . 

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: , ,j . .. V ,. >, .'/ r' ■'- ,'■■'. i. •■ < ■ 1 

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Vermont Historical Society. y 

AX ACT ALTERING THE NAME OF THE VERMONT 
HISTORICAL *\NI) ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY. 

It is hereby enacted, d-c. 

Sec. 1. The Vermont Historical and Anticiuariaii Society shall 
hereafter he known as, and called, '• The Vermont Historical 
JSocietyS' and hv that name shall he entitled to the rights and 
privileges, and snhject to the duties granted and imposed ])y the 
^ct incor])orating said society, approved Nov. 5, 1838. 

Sec. '2. This act shall take effect from its passage. 

Approved Nov. 16, 1859. 



AN ACT PROVIDING A ROOM IN THE CAPITOL FOR 
THE VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 

It is hereby enacted, i&c. 

Sec. 1. The use of room numher nine, used as the gen- 
eral committee room, in the State House, is hereby granted to 
the Vermont Historical Society, for the preservation of the 
library, and for the business purposes of said society ; said occu- 
pancy, at all times, to he under the direction of the sergeant-at- 
arnis. he being directed to pre})are the same for the occupancy 
aforesaid. 

Sec. 2. The occupancy of said room, by the said Verniont 
Historical Society, shall in no wise interfere with the use of said 
room by committees of the Legislature. 

Sec. 3. This act shall at all times be under the control of the 
Legislature, to amend or repeal, at its discretion. 

Ai)proved, November 21, 1859. 



vi Vermont Historical Society. 

AN ACT. IX RELATIOX TO THE VER>[OXT HLSTOIM- 
CAL SOCIETY. 

It is herehij ouicted, S'c. 

Sec. 1. Whenever tlie ^>^lnout Historical Soeieiy .<hall be 
dissolved, the hooks, collect ions, and all the i)ro|)erry thereof 
shall become the exclusive }iro[)Grty of the St-ire ot* Vermont : 
and said society shall have no right or power to sell or dispose of 
any part of its books or collections, except by way of exchange : 
and all such sales or disposal shall l)e void. 

Sec. 2. The Secretary of State, the Auditor of Accounts and 
the State [librarian sludl be ex officio mend)ers of the Historical 
Society aforesaid, and of tiu^ Ijoard of curators thereof. 

Sec. 3. The sum of two hundred and fifty dollars is hereby 
appropriated to aid the said Historical Society in the preserva- 
tion of its valual)le collections, and to [)ut the same in suitable- 
condition for examination and use. - 

Sec. 4. The aforesaid sum of money shall be paid to the cura- 
tors of said society on the order of the (Governor, and said cura- 
tors shall settle with the Auditor of Acounts for the ex}>enditure 
of said sum of nnniey. 

Sec. 5. This act shall not take effect until tlie said society 
shall by a vote thereof at a meeting regularly called and holdcn 
acce[)t of and ado[)t tiiis act. 

Ap])roved Xov. \), 1800. 



PA.. •!••J^. 



■!.•/( 






Verrtiont Historical Society. vii 



CONSTITUTION. 



Article I. Tiiis ussnriatioii shall be called •* Tlie Vcnitunf 
IIistori'-((I Society^' and shall consist of Kesident, Correspoiid- 
iiig and Honorary ^[enil)ers. 

Aktiole II. The object of the Society shall be to discover^ 
collect and i)reserve, whatever nniy relate to the natural, civiL 
literary and ecclesiastical history of the State of Vermont, and 
shall comprise three dei)artments : (1,) The Historicid, having- 
for its o])ject the preservation of whatever relates to the topog- 
rai)hy, anti([nities. civil, literary and ecclesiastical history of 
the State : ('L) 1'liat of Xafiiral Hi.'story, for tlie formation of a 
cabinet (»f natural i>roductions. atul more especially those of 
Yermoxt. and for a library of standard works on the natural 
sciences : and (3.) the Hortioiltnrah for [)r(nnotino-a taste for the 
cultivation of ehoice fruits and flowers, and also for collecting- 
works on horticulture and asTiculture, in connection with the 
general library. 

AuxrcLE III. Hie otlicers of the Societ} , to 1)e elected annually^ 
and by l)allot. shall be a. Pre>i<lent. tlirce A'ice Presidents, a Eecord- 
ing- Secretai-y.two ("'(UTcsponding Secretaries (tf foreign and domes- 
tic correspondenre, a Librarian and (*abinet Keeper, a Treasurer, 
and seven C'ui'ators from ditferent counties in the State. 

AktK'I/e W . There shall be one annual, and (/ceasionid n.n <•:- 
ing> of tb.e Soc-iet\. Tlie annual meeting. for tlie elMiin'i ,.i 
ollieers. sball be at ^loN'TPEl-lEU on Tuesday preeeding the tliird 



^jir-j 



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r,UU I » 



TJii Vermont Historical Society. 

'Wednesday of Octo1)er ; the special meetings shall ].>e at siieh 
time and jdace as the Board of Managers shall determine. 

Article V. All memjjers (Honorary and CoiTes})onding mem- 
liors excei)ted, with Avhom it shall 1)e optional,) sliall pay. on 
admission, the sum of two dollars, and an additional -um of one 
•dollar annually. 

Article VI. Members shall be elected upon the recommen- 
dation of any meml)er of the Society. 

Article VII. This Constitution may be altered or amended 
at the annual meeting by a vote of two-thirds of the mem^x^rs 
present, provided notice of the proi)osed change shall have been 
given at the next preceding annual meeting. 



Vermont Historical Soriety. ix 



BY-LAWS 



CHAPTER I. 



OF 3r E M B E R S . 



1. Members only sliall be entitled to vote, or be eligible to any 
office. 

2. No person residing in tbis State can be a corresponding 
member. A member on removing from tbe State may become a 
corresponding mem])er on giving notice of bis removal, and pay- 
ing all arrears ; and a corres])onding member cannot continue 
such after returning to tbe State for a permanent residence, 
but may ])ecome a resident member. 

3. 2s o member, who shall be in arrear for two years, shall be 
entitled to vote, or to be eligible to any office, and any failure 
to pay annual dues for two consecutive years, after due notice 
from the treasurer, sball be considered a forfeiture of membor- 
shi}) : and no ])erson thus expunged from the roll of the Society 
can be eligible to re-admission wihout tlu' i)ayment of his arrears. 

4. Xo person sbali l)e elected a resident member until he >hall 
have pi'cviously signitied liis desire to become such- in writing. 

•"). Tlie yearly assessment is ])ayable at tbe annual nu-eting in 
<^)cto])er. 



Vfu^ •! » nl'Jf-' 



JI [ iifU. (' 



X Vermont Historical Society. 

CHAPTER 11. 

OF OFFrCERS AND COMMITTEES. 

1. The President, or ill liis a])senee, the liighe.-t nltieer pres- 
ent, shall preside at all meetings of the Society, and regulate tlie 
order thereof, and l)e ex-offieio ehairnian of the Board of ^lana- 
gers, and when re<iuired, give the easting vote. 

2. One of the Viee Presidents, with tAvo Curators, shall he a 
Committee to manage and su[>erintend the Historical De^uirt- 
ment. Another Vice President, with two Curators, shall l)e a 
Committee to manage and superintend tlie department of Xat- 
nral History. The other Vice President, with two Curators, 
shall he a ComMnittee to manage and superintend the department 
of Horticulture. 

3. It shall he the duty of these Committees to make a written 
re])ort at the annual meeting in Octoher upon the condition of 
their respective departments. 

4. The Kecording Secretary shall kt-t-p the minutes of all 
meetings of the Society in a suitahle b(K»k. and at the ojiening of 
each (uie siudl read those of the preceding one. He shall have 
the cust(jdy (tf the Constitution. Hy-Laws, Ivecord.> and all [)a}»ers 
of the Society, and >hall give notice of the tinu' and [dace of all 
meetings of the Society, and shall notify all oihcers and mcnd)ers 
of their ek'c-tion. and communicate all special viUes of the Society 
to parties interested therein. In the al»sencc of the Kecording 
Secretary his duty shall he j)erfornied hy one of the Correspon<l- 

, ing Secretaries. 

5. The Corresj)onding Secretaries shall conduct all the corre>~ 
]>ondence of the Societ}'. They shall preserve on tile the oi-igi- 
nals of all comniunications aildre->e(l to rlie Soiiery. ;!i!d kee}) a 
fail- copy (.f all their letters i]i hooks furnished for that purpose. 



V.J.., 



Vermont Historicid SoriPty. xi 

They sliall road at each meeting the co,iTes})on(IeTiee, or such 
abstracts from it as the President may direct, which has ])eeii 
sustained since tlio previous meeting. 

6. The Treasurer sliall collect, receive and dislnirse. all moneys 
due and paya])le, and all (hmations and Ijeipiests of nvuiey or 
other proi)erty to the SoL-iety. He sliall pay, under })ro[)er 
vouchers, all the ordinary expenses of the Society, and sliall 
deposit all its funds in one of the Vern\(Uit Baiiks. to the credit 
of tiu^ Society, suhject to his checks as Treasnrer : and at the 
annual meeting shall nuike a true report of all nnmeys received 
and paid out by him, to l>e audited by the Committee on Finance 
provided for hereafter. 

7. It shall be the duty of tlie Librarian and Cabinet Keeper. 
to preserve, arrange, and kee[) in good order, all specimens of 
natural history, books, manuscri [)ts. documents, pamphlets, and 
papers of everv kind, belonging to the Society. He shall keo}) a 
catalogue of the same, and take especial care that no book, mann- 
scri})t^ document, paper, or any property of the Society, confide L 
to his kee[)ing, ])e removed from the room. He shall also b- 
furnished with a book, in which t(^ record all donatimis and 
becpiests, of whatsoever kind, relating to his department, with 
the name of tlie donor, and the time when bestowed. 

8. The Curators, with the President, A'ice Presi(U'nts. C()rres- 
pondiiig ami liccordin-- Spd'ctarit'.-. Libi'ariaii ami Trca-ureL". 
shall roiistiruir a lioard of Managers, ^vhose duty it >hall be to 
siipcrintiMul the general concerns uf the Society. The Presi- 
dent shall, from this Board, a[)point the follbwing Stan* ling 
Committees, vi/. : (h\ the Library and Cabinet, on Printing 
and Puldi.-hini:-. and on ['iiiance. 



xii Vermont Historical Society. ^\ 

9. The Committoe on the Li])rarv and Cabinet shall have the 
supervisory care of all the printed pu])lications, manuseripts, 
and curiosities. They shall, with the Librarian, provide suita- 
ble slielves. cases and fixtures, in which to arrange and dis}>lay 
them. The printed volumes and manuscripts shall be regularly 
numbered and marked witli the name of the '* Vermont Histori- 
cal Society." They sliall })ro])ose at the regular meetings, such 
books (A- manuscrii)ts ])ertaining to the object of the Society, as 
they shall deem expedient, which, wlien approved, shall be by 
them purchased^, and disposed of as above directec]. They shall 
be re(]uired to visit the Library at least once a year, officially — 
and shall provide a book or books, in which the Librarian and 
Cabinet Keeper shall keep a record of their proceedings — and 
be entrusted, in general, with the custody, care and increase, of 
whatever conies within the })rovince of their ai)i)ointed duty. > 

10. The Committee on Printing and Publishing shall pre})are 
for i)ublication whatever documents or collections shall be ordered 
by the Society ; shall contract for, and su2)ervise the })rinting of 
the same, and shall furnish the Recording Secretary and Libra- 
rian and Cabinet Kee})er. with such blank notices, summonses, 
labels, c^c, as may be deemed requisite. 

IL The Committee on Finance shall consist of at least one 
member of each of the former Committees, and shall have the 
jojeneral oversio^ht and direction of the funds of the Societv. 
They shall examine the books of the Treasurer, vouch all accounts 
of moneys expended, and audit his annual rei)ort. 



Vermont Historical Society. xiii ' 

CPAPTER III. 

OF THE CABINET, LIBRARY, &C. 

'1. All doiijitioiis to tlie Cabinet, or T^ibrarv, when practibable. 
shall have the donor's name, legibly written or printed, affixed 
thereto. 

2. Xo article, the property of the Society, shall be removed 
from the Historical Room without the consent of the Librarian 
and Cabinet Kee})er, or one of the Curators. 

3. All donations shall be promptly acknowledged I )y the Li1)ra- 
rian and Cabinet Keei)er on behalf of the Society, and shall l)c 
speeitied by that officer in liis re})ort to the Society to ])e made at 
the annual meeting. ^ . 

4. The Library and Cabinet Kcei)er shall make a written 
report of the condition of the Library and Cabinet at the annual 
meeting. 

5. All reports of Committees must l)e in writing, and addressed 
to the President, and shall be recorded ])y the Recording Secre- 
tary, unless otherwise ordered by a vote of the Society. 

6. It shall be deemed the duty of all members, if convenient, 
to contribute to the Library and Cabinet such pa})ers, pamphlets, 
books (rare or out of print), which [)ossess historical interest, 
and such natural ])roducts as may illustrate the natural history 
of the State. 

T. The society shall appoint at the annual meeting one of the 
Resident, Corresponding or Honorary Members of the Society, 
to deliver an historical discourse at the succeeding annual meet- 
ing, and invite members of the Society to pret)are ]»apers reiaring 
to distinguished \'ermontcrs. or the civil and naturnl hi>rni-y of 
Vermont, to be read at tiie annual oj* "^peiiai meetings ui t!ie 



Xl\ 



Vermont IlistoricaJ Society, 

Society, wbicli pa})ors sliall ])e })re8iM'ved, by the Ret-ortling Secre. 
tary, for the use of or pujjlieation in the traiisaetioiis of the 
Society. 

8. Notices of tlie death of siieli ineinhers of this Historical 
Society, and eminent Verm outers, as may decease during the 
year preceding the nnnual meeting of i\\e Society, sliall t>e ])re- 
pared under t-lie direc-tion of tlie Board of Managei-s and he read 
at the annual meeting, and he deposited in the arcliives of the 
Society for future use and referen.ce. 



VermoDt HistonraJ Society. xv 

RULES OF ORDER 

OF THE MP:ETIXGS OF THE 

VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



I. Every lueetiu^ sliali hv (»pejK'(l uitli ])rj»yi'r. 

II. At each ineetiii<r tlie Kecordiug Seeretary shail enter on 
the minntes tlie names of niemhers who are i)resent. 

III. At each annual meetinii- the oi'der of business sliall be as 
follows : 

1. The election of ottieers for the year ensuiijg. 

'I. The rei)orts of Standi 1112: ('<»nnnittees. 

.3. The re|)oi"t of the Ti-easurer. 

4. Tlie re[)ort of the Librarian aiid Cabinet Keei)er. 

.1. Eeeonimendatiou and election of Honorary. Corresponding 

and Resident members. 
(). Notices of the death of members and prominent A'erniont- 

ers Avho have died during the year. 

7, ^lotions. Resolutions and ^[iscellaneous business. 

8. The reading, corivcting and ai)proving the Minutes. 



The order of Inisiness of si>ecial and adjoni-ned meetings shall 
))e as follows : 

1. The reading.' correct ing and approving rhe Minutes of the 

]>receding meeting. 
'l. Re])orts from Committees. 
'-\. rntinislicd I)ii-in('-s. 
4. Motions, Res!tluri<tn< and M i-^rrllafc-ons hn^jnu--. 



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lA. 



xvi. Vermont Historical Society. 



PROCEEDINGS, 




The Vermont Historical Soeiety held their animal meeting at 
the State House, in Montpeiier. on tlie 19th of October, 1880, at 
2 o'clock p. M. 

The meeting was called to order by the President, Hon. E. P. 
WALTON. 

The records of the last meeting were read and approved. 

Hon. Charles Dewey, from the Committee on Xominaiions. 
reported the following list (jf officers for the year ensuing, and 
the same were duly elected as follows : 

OFFICERS. 

Prc.siiicut — \hm. E. P. WALTOXof Montpelier. 

Vire-Prcsidoifs — \hn\. James Barrett of AVoodstock ; Kev. 
Wflliam S. Hazex of Xorthtield : Hon. Edward A. Sowles 
of St. Albans. 

Rrc(n:di)i(j Scrrefffr/f — Charles W. Porter of ^lontpdicr. 

(orre.yjiutf/iiHj Secn'taries — Hon. G. G. Benedict of Bur- 
lington, and Z. S. Staxtox of Roxbury. 

Treasurer — Hiram Carletox, Es(i. of Montpelier. 

Lilrrarian — .\[arcus D. (tilmax of Montpelier. 

Curators— Hon. K. S. Taft of Burlington ; Dr. H. A. CiT- 
TLNir ..f Lunenburg : IL A. HrsK, Es([. of Montpeiirr : Iloii. 






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VertJiont Historical Society. xvii 

G. A. D.LVIS of lYiudsor ; and Saml'EL B. Pettexgill of St. 
Albans. 

The President appointed the following 

STANDING C0M3IITTEES : 

PuhlisliitKj Cojmiiittee — Hon. Hiland Hall of Bennington ; 
Hon. E. P. Walton and Hon. Ciiaeles H. Heath of Mont- 
pelier. 

Finance Committee — Geokge W. Scott of Montpelier ; G. 
G. Benedict of Burlington, and H. A. Cutting of Lunenburg. 

Committee^ on Lihrary and Cahinet — Dr. P. D. Bradford of 
Northtield ; Hon. C. H. Heath and Rev. J. H. Hincks of 
Montpelier. 

The following new • members were elected : John M. Coii- 
STOCK of Chelsea ; John M. Cueiiiek of Castleton ; Dr. C. M. 
Chandlek of Montpelier ; Pev. Samuel B. Pettengill of St. 
Albans ; Edward Dewey of Montpelier ; George H. Rich- 
mond of Xorthfield, and Z. S. Stanton of Roxbury. Corres- 
ponding members. Rev. Charles Rogers, LL. D., Secretary 
Royal Historical Society, London, England ; Rev. Edwin M. 
Stone, Librarian Rhode Lsland Historical Society, Providence. 
■ On motion of Rev. W. S. Hazen, the following resolution 
was adopted : '^ 

Resohed, That a conmiittee of three be appointed by the President to 
secure a suitable ai)piopriation from the General Assembly to comj)lete the 
putting in order and binding of the papers, magazines and periodicals of 
this society. 

The Cunmiittee appointed were R. S. Taft, H. A. IlrsK and 
C. H. Heath. 

T!ie re[i<irr of the 'I'rcu.-urer was read, and on motiim, accepted 
and adopted. 



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xviii Vermont Historical Society. 

Miss Ileineiiwa}', the liistoriciu, preseuted tlie Society with a 
fine cabinet portrait of tlie hue Ilev. and Hon. Asa Lyon, of 
Grand Isle county. 

On motion the Society adjourned to meet in Rejiresentatives' 
Hall at half past seveu o'clock this evening. . . 

EVE>sIXG. 

The Society met. pfirsuant to adjournment, the President in 
the chair. 

Prayer was olTered by the Rev. Mr, Wheelock, Chaplain to 
the Senate. 

Previous to the excellent address by Mr. Sowles up(»n the 
Fenians, tlu're was presented to the Society a tine portrait of 
Daxiel p. TiHj.MPsox. the celebrated Vermont novelist, by T. 
W. ^VooT), the artist, which called forth a proper rc^ohition, 
.showing the due appreciation of tlie Society, as follows : 

Besolced, Thar xlw lu-arty tluiiik?> of tliis Society are ht'rt'by teiiclernd to 
Thomas W. Wood for a perffci portrait of the hire Plon. Daniel. P. Thomp- 
son, and in recognition of his repeated gifts to the Society, and of bis 
prominence as a Vermont artist. Mr. Wo«xl is hereby made an lionorary mem- 
l)er of tliis Society. 

The following gentU'nR'n wore then elected as members of the 
Soci.'ty : ('(»1. Klv Hbv-(Jui>i)AiM) inul Rev. A. D. Bakbeii ; 
aftei* which the following ivsolution was ])assed in favorof print- 
ing W'rmont kistory : 

Re.'*o(ced 'I'hat tlie \'ennf)nt ni>5t<»rical Society urgently reconnuend to the 
LegiNiature, now in r<ession. to take up the resolution for an appropriation 
for Miss Menu'M way's Historical (ia/etteer. amend as existing circumstances 
may r'-nder expidient. and conHrm the >(ame ; that there be no nmr^' de]:iy 
in \\\f coniplcTion of a work so invuhiable to the State. 

Hon. K. .v. SowLKs of St. Albans, tlu'ii <leli\ered an adilress 
U{K>n '• Fcniani^m und Fonian Raids." 



j ...i.ui* 



Vermo?it Historical Society. xix 

On motion, 

liesolved. That the thanks of this Society are hereby tendered 
to the Hon. Edward A. S()A\les for his ya]ual)k' address delivered 
this evening. 

Tlie meeting was tlien adjourned until stu*]i time as the Hon. 
E. J. Phelps of Burlington, can deliver liis address upon the 
^' Life and C'lniracter of Chief Justice Samuel Pkextiss." 



XX Vermont Historical Society. 



' BIENNIAL REPORT OE THE LIBRARIAN 

OF THE 

Vermont Historical Society, 

FOR THE TERM EXDIXG OCTOBER 8, 1880. 
/ 

:o: 

The following are the additions to the library : 

Books, bound, volumes, SoO 

Newspapers, unbound, volumes, 35 

Pamphlets, -1,906 

Manuscripts, , 205 

Maps, 11 

Indian relics, 90 

Miscellaneous :irticles, 72 

Total, 3.169 

A complete list of the names of donors and of those with wliom 
exchanges have been made is herewith appended. 

I can only repeat tlie statement in my report two years ago^ 
that *' more room " is needed for our rapidly increasing library. 

The legislature of 1878 made a small appropriation for the pur- 
pose of binding and putting in order for use the newspapers and 
magazines in the library of the Society^, and ^Ir. J. D. Clark, the 
bookbinder, at once commenced the work, and has coin}»k'tod one 
hundred and forty-four volumes of newspapers whicii are now 
upon our shelves, and there are still sixty volumes or more at 
the bindery in an unlinished state, while our magazines and piri- 
odicals rtiniain untouched. 



or»l.r 



Vermont Ilistoncnl Society. xxi 

After t-lie bookbinder liad got the newspapers well under way 
it was discovered that the ^appropriation alluded to, could not bo 
made available without further legislation, on account of an over- 
sight, to which Governor Proctor refers in his late message. 

In order to complete the binding in a proper manner an appro- 
priation of six hundred dollars will be required, including the 
sum voted two years ago. 

Respectfully submitted, 

M. D. OILMAN, 

Librarian, 



NAMES OF DONORS 

A2^D THOSE WITH WHOM EXCHAXGES HAVE BEEN EFFECTED. 



INSTITUTIONS. 

American Anttquartan Society, Worcester, Mas3. — 1 vol. Proceedings, 
April 24, 1878; 1 vcl. Annual Proc«>edings, 1878; 1 vol. Annual Proceed, 
ings, Oct 1, 1879 ; 1 vol. Proceedings, 1879 ; 1 vol. Proceedings, April, 1880. 

American ARcriiOLOGiCAi. and Numismatic Soctety, 64 Madison 
Avenue, New York — 1 panipldet on Roman Medalions. 

Astok Liukary, New York— illst Annual Report. 

Boston Pur.uc Library — 27tli and 28tli Annual Reports : Bulletins and 
Monthly Reports as issued. „ 

Chicago Historical Society— 18.") vols, books and pamphlets. 

Chicago Public Liurary — Report, 7th. 

Delaware HrsTORiCAi, Society — 1 Memorial Address, Willard Hall; 2 
pamphlets. 

Essex Classical Ixstititte, Salem, Mass. — Catalogue, 1877-8. 

E-sK\; iNsrrruTK. Salem, Mass. — Bulletins, vols. 10-U ; Collections, 
vols. 15-1 (i-1 7. 



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xxii ^ Vermont Historical Society. 

"FLETfHEPt LiiJKAiiv, Biirliiig-ton — 14 pamphlets ; :5 booksi. 
Geohgea lIif>TOEi(AL SociKTY, Stivaunah — First Regiment of (ieorgia in 
the Civil War. 

HrsToiiRAL AND PHILu^?o^HI( Ai. Sot lETV, (,'incinnati, 0. — 1 copy Indians 
of Ohio, by M. F. Force. 

HistourcAT- Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia — Pennsylvania 
Magazine of History and Biography ; Quarterly, ISTS-O-^iO ; 7 books ; 3 
pam}>hlet5;. 

Kansas HisT<)ur( ai. Six iety, Topeka — First Biennial Report, 3877.-8, 

LiBRAKY ('o>[i'ANY, Pliiladelphia— Bulletins, 1S78-0-S0. 

Long Isr, AND HrsroiiH al Socikty, Brooklyn, X. Y. — 1 book, Campaign 
of 177G. 

Lowp:r.L llisronrc al Assoc [ation, Lowell, Mass. — Xo. 4 of Old Settlers* 
Association. 

Maryland HrsToiiK ai, S(k [KTY, Baltimore — 1 copy Maryland Documents, 
1002-1800 ; 'I Fund Publications, Nos. 14, 15. 

MAssACni-sKTTs irrsTORiCAF, S(K IPLTV, Boston — Collections, vols. 5, 6, oth 
Series; Proceedings. 1701-1S;5."), 1 vol.: Proceedings, 18;^o-l85o, 1 vol.; 
Proceedings, iS78-9-8'), 1 vol.:, 7 miscellaneous books. 

Minnesota Acadk.my ok Natural Sciences — Bulletin, 1878-0. 

Minnesota Histouic al SocrtrrY — 2 Reports, 1878-0 ; Collections, part 1 
of vol. Ill ; irenne]>in Bi-( Vntenary. 

Missona llrsTourcAL Society, St. Louis — Pul)lications, Xos. 1, "2, 3, 4 ; 
School Bullt-tius. 

Xew FNCrLAND Soc IKTY OF Oranok, X.J. — C<mstitution and By-Laws, 
10th, 11th, L2th editions. 

Nkvv Encjland llrsTOUR -CENEAr,ocucAL Society, Boston — Register and 
Proceedings. c(mtinuously. 

Xp:\v Jeksey IIfstokical Society, Xcwark — Proceedings, 1878-0-80. 

Xew York (JENEAt.ocric ai^ and Biographic ai- Society — 2 vols. Quar- 
terly Record ; 3 pampldets. 

Xenv Yor.k: Historical Soc iety — 2 vols. Collections, 187.')-r> ; 1 Address, 
1870, by F. de Peyster. 

Old Colony Historical Sch iety. Taunton. Mass. — Collecti(Uis, part 1. 

Oneida IfisToun al Sot ik.ty, Utica. — 3 pamphlets. Proceedings, etc.; 1 
pamphlet. Annual Address, 1880. 

Philosophic AL Soi iety, P^vanston, 111. — 1 copy C. Randolph's address. 

Public' School Library. St. Louis — 4 Reports, 187()-0 ; 10 vols, books, 
St. Louis Municipal, etc.; 4 panii)lilcts. 

Kedwood Library, Newport, R. I. — 2 Reports, 1878-0. 

Rhode Island HisTOHUAL Society, ProxMdcn.-.'— 2 Proi e(.(lini.-s, is;:-s_:) 

Royal Historical Society, London. — 2 voN. Transactions. 

Sale.m Lyceum, Salem, Ma.ss. — 1 copy History of. 



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Vermont Historical Society. xxiii 

State- HiSTOiircAT. Society, Madi.son, Wis. — Reports, 1877-8-0; vol. 8, 
of Collections 

State Libkaky, 1). (i. Pratt, Secretary of State, Albany — 10 miscellane- 
ons books, State publications. 

Tvft's Cur.T.ErTE, College Hill, }*Iass. — 2 Annual Reports, 1878-0: "2 Annual 
Catalogues, 1878-9; Collegian, as publislieJ. 

^^•IVERSITY OF Vermont, Burlington — 4 Catalogues, etc., 1878-0. 

WoKCEsTFJj Society of Axtiqiity, ^^'orcester, Ma^s. — o"3 i>aniplilets. 
Worcester City Documents ; Proceedings, 1878-0; Early Records of Worces- 
ter; Records of Proprietois of Worcester, part 1. 

Yale Cou-EctE, New Haven, Conn. — Catalogues and Reports. 1878-0-80. 

INDI VI DUALS. ^ 



Albee, a. M., Springfield, Vt. — 12 Autograph letters and other manu- 
scripts. 

Alvoud, <ien. B., Washington, D. C. — 1 pamphlet. 

Atkins, IIiham, Montpelier — Argus and Patriot, (-ontinuously : 10 
pamphlets. 

BAi.D\YrN, C. C,, Secretary, Cleveland, Ohio. — 2 pamphlets. 

Baldwin, iro>L D. . Montpelier — 1 Package Manuscripts, Dhu. Sylvanus 
Baldwin. """' 

Baubek, a. D., Montpelier — 4."] pamphlets. 

Becket, C. H. , Hanover, X. H. — 1 copy of his Crisis in English Industries. 

Benedict, (1. (f., Burlington — o^ pamphlets. 

Bingham, II. S., Bennington, 1 Broken Bank Bill. 

Bliss, Mrs. N. B., ("laremont, X. H. — Manuscript Sermon, History of 
Barre, Letters, etc., by her late husband. Rev. F. S. Bliss; 1 vol. Life of 
Rev. F. S. Bliss. 

Boltwood, L. M., Hartford, Conn. — 1 pamphlet, Life of Lucius Boltwood. 

Bradford, P. D, M. 1)., Xorthfield — 1 Parchment Deed: 1 History of 
Xorthfield. 

Brock, R. A,, Richmond, Va. — 2 books ; X'ewspapers containing Hi>tori- 
cal articles, continuously ; 2 pamphlets. 

Bross, Willia:m, Chicago — 1 copy his History of Chicago. 

Burnham, (jr. \y., Xew York — 1 copy Proceedings Inauirurating ^^'^'bste^ 
Statue in Central Park. X'. Y, 

Bttler, l^rof. J. D., Miulison. \Ms. — (> pamphlets. 

Cahoon, <f. W., Lyndon — 4 books ; 7 pamphlets. 

Camp, H. IL, Mihvaukic— 1 <'<«py his addre-s <m W.-steru I'.anl^'m:-. 

Canfield. Tiios. 11.. P>urliniiT<Mi — sOtli and OOth C()iiv-iii.i.'ns oi t\\" 
Diocese of Vermont. 



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xxiv Vermont Hisioricnl Society. 

Chapman, A.. T. , Secretury, MidJlebury — 1 vol. Vermont Sliecp Register 
Breeders' 'Association. 

Chkney, S. p., Dorset — 1 copy of his American Singing- Book. 

Clark, Henry, Rutland — G books ; 27 pa.Tiplilets. 

Clark, Ai-bert. St. Albans — 2 copies Necrology of Vermont. 

Clarke, R., Cincianati — Memorial of Rev. Henry Smith. 

CLoasTON, W.M., Springfield, Mass. — 17 Vermont fJlection Sermons. 

C6lton, Hon. E. P., Irasbiirgli — Lot of manu.script letters, etc., from the 
"Allen Papers." 

COMSTOCK, J. M., Clielsea, Vt. — 8 Dartmouth College [jansphlets. 

Conn, G. P., M. D, Concord, N. H. — 2 New Hampshire Medical Society, 
1878-9. 

Cressy, Prof. Noah, Amherst, Mass. — 1 pamphlet, his Agricultural 
/ ddress. 

Currier, Prof. J. M., Castleton — 26 vols, books; 70 pam])hlets ; lot of 
Indian Relics ; 280 vols, in paper covers, scientific works ; 8 Relics ; lot of 
Newspapers ; lot of scientific pamphlets. 

Cutting, H, A., Luneuburgh, Vt. — 4 books; (5 pamphlets; 6 copies of 
his "Pests of the Farm." 

Darling, J. G., Boston — 1 Roman Sword, ca})tured from the rebels in 
Kansas. 

Davenport, Dr. G., East Randolph — 1 pamphlet; 1 vol. "Timothy 
Peacock." 

Dawson, H. B., Morrisania, N. Y. — 2G books and pamphlets. 

De BerN-VDY Bros., Loudon, England — Next of Kin Gazette, continu- 
ously, 1878-9. 

Deiter, ]SIrs. E. II , Montpelier — 2 Autographs, Madam Le Vert, etc. 

Dewey, Chs., Montpelier — 1 Sermon, by Rev. W. Fisk. 

Dillingham, W. P., \Vaterl)ury — I copy History Waterbury. 

Drowne, H. T., New York — 1 copy of Ids Solomon Drowno M. D.; 2 
pamphlets. 

DuNSTER, Samuel, Attleboro — 1 copy his Dunster <ienoaI()gy, 

DwiNELL, Melvin, Rome, Georgia — 1 vol. his Travels in Europe. 

Eaton, C. C, .Montpelier— 10 pampld^ts ; 1 Testament. 

Ed.munds, Hon. Geo. F. — 29 vols. Congro.ssional Record, etc. 

Elliot, Rer. \u H., Bradford, Vt. — 4S [)amphlets ; 11 books. 

E.MERSON, Curtis, Ea-t Saginaw, Mich. — Journal and Letters of Hon. 
Abel Curtis. 

Emery, J. C, .^IontpeIi''r— 1 Sr;i,\- and Railroau Card, 1-4:. 

Farrier, (iEO. H., .jcrst-y Ciry — 1 MciMoriiil of B.nttlv «,r r;riius ri.i>>k. 

Fp:aring, Jr., A. C., Sci-i-<-tary r)Uulo-r Hill Association. [>•-?. )n — 4 vols, 
rehiring to Ihinkcr Hill. 

FcRREEiV <■<).. Phihul.'lphiii — 'I'Im' Li') ■:sri;:ii. wc-kiy. 



Vermont Historical Society. xxy 

Fields — Geiicalogy of the Fields of Providence, R, I. 

Field, T. W., Brooklyn, X. Y.— 1 School Report. 

F«EEMAN Office, Moiitpelier — 20 pamphlets ' 

Free Press Asscclv^tion, Burling-ton — Weelvlj Free Press, continuouslj, 

Gp:roi'LD, S. L, (Joffstown, N. 11 — 1 copy New Hampshire Congrega- 
tional Minutes, 1879. 

Gestrin, Prof. C. E. H., Northfield — 1 copy of his "Vacation Labors." 

GiLM.v^;, Geo. A., Marslitield — 1 pamphlet; 2 newspapers. 

GiLM.\.N, M. D., Montpelier — 18 vols, newspapers, Chicago Tribune and 
Times. 

Gold, T. S , West Cornwall, Conn. — 1 vol. his History of Cornwall. 

Goodell, Rev. C. L.. St. Louis, Mo. — 3 Sermons by hims«.'lf. 

Greex, G. B., M. D.. Windsor, Heirs of, through Rev. H. A. Hazeu— 11 
M auscript Charters, Deeds, etc., relating to Windsor. 

Green, S. A., M. D., Boston — 157 pamphlets ; 4 books ; 27 pamphlets ; 
12 Boston Almanacs ; 4 vols, boctks. 

Grout, Rev. H. M , Concord, Mass. — 3 Sermons by himself. 

Hall, Hon. H., Bennington — 33 pamphlets. 

H.\Lii, John, D. D., Trenton, N. J, — 1 copy hia History Presbyterian 
Church, Trenton. 

Harrington, E., Spencer, Mass. — 13 pamphlets; 1 Ps Spanish Wood 
from Mexico; 3 newspapers ; 1 Indian book. 

Hartranft, Gov., Harrisburg, Pa. — vols, o, 6. 7, Archives of Pennsyl- 
vania, 2d Series. 

Hayden, Rev. H. E. , Wilkes-Barre, Pa. — 14 books ; 15 pamphlets. 

Hazen, H. a., Billerica, Mass. — 4 pamphlets. 

Heath, C. H. , Montpelier — 5 vols. Sunday School Books ; 2 other books. 

He.menway, Mi.ss A. M , Burlington— 1 book, Clarke Papers ; 1 Auto- 
gra})h Note of Thos. Jefferson ; 1 Revolutionary Sword ; 15 pami)hlet3 ; 6 
pamphlets 

HiLroN. W. 1)., Providence, R. L — 34 pamphlets ; T vols i)ooks. 

Howgatk, H. W., Washington, D. C. — 1 copy his P. -l.ir Colonization. 

11 C'lhekt, Prest. C. B., Middlebury— 3 of his Sermoas 

JiLLSoN, Clark, Worcester; .Mass. — 21 pamphlets, his own works. 

l\KLi,()00, Ij. II., B^mson, Vt. — 1 Kellogj; Family Record. 

Ketciiu-M, Rev. S., Pcxpionock, Conn — 3 pamphlets. / • 

Kimball, Mark. Chicago— I Reception to Old Settlers. 

KiNNKV, Mrs. E. F.. Brookfifld— 1 Miliiary Commission, 17'^4. 

Kite Wm., Germatitown, Pa. — 1 copy Protest Against Slaveiy, 11188. 

KoON, Geo. F., North Bennington — 3 vols. Vermont newspajxM-s. 

LanowORThy, Rev. I. P., Boston— 8 vols, books. 

L.\PHAM, A. B., Augusta, Me.— 1 copy Election Returns, 1879. 



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xxvi Vermont Historiral Society. 

Lapham, W. B., Augusta, Me. — 1 copy Register of tlie House of Repre- 
sentatives, Maine. 

Levixgs, W. S., Williamstown, Vt.— 12 books. 

LoOMis, Mrs. Eltza, Burlington — 8 vols, school ]>ooks ; 3 old news- 
papers. 

Martin, Cren. W>r. T., Natchez, Miss. — Confederate Bond and Notes, 
$l,735.oO. The notes hoing in part his pay as a major general during the 
last year of the war. 

McCluke, W. F., Monti>elier — 1 vol. Travels in Gennany. 

McKeen, Miss Phebe, Andover, Mass. — >] vols, books nf which she is 
the author. 

MoKRii.i., J. S., Hon.— Message and Documents, 1878-9. 

Mt. Hoi.yoke Semixaky — Catalogues, 1878-9. 

P lGE, J. A., Montpelier — 1 vols, of register of visitors to Vermont Head- 
quarters at the Centennial, Philadelphia, 1870. 

Parker, Prof. W. H., Middlebury — 'OG pamphlets, relating mostly to 
Middlebury College. 

Perkins, N. C, Chicago — 1 copy his address, Yale Association. (.'hicagD. 

Perkins, R. A., Woodstock — 4 vols. Woodstock Post, publishnd by hiui. 

Peyster, Frederic de, New York — 1 copy his Life of Earl of HellmouL. 

Phelps, J. W., Brattlei)oro — 2 vols, his publications ; 1 Map of Newjw^rt 
News, Va. 

Phoenix, S. W., New York — o 4to vols, (elegantj ^Vhitney (lenealogy. 

Pickering, ^Irs. Ciiaiu.es, Boston — 1 -Ito vol. by her late husband. 
"Chronological History of Plants." 

POIJ.LON, Wm., New York — 1 W. M. Medal, the 7th Rcginu-nt Ct-ntenuial 
Visit. 

Mr. Prk HARD, Bradford — 120 pamphlets ; 08 books. 

Putnam's Sons, (j. P., New York — 1 vol. Soldier and Pioneer. 

Reed, Geo. B., Boston — (J pamphlets. 

Ryder, S. B., Brandon— :39 Middlelmry newspapers, 1844-') ; 20 miscel- 
laneous newspapers ; 80 pamphlets ; 1 book. 

RrssELL, M. W., Concord, N. H. — 1 Transactions New Hampshire Medi- 
cal Society, 1879. 

Segsby, H. W., St. Armand, P. Q-— 1 Ne(;k Yoke used in the Revolu- 
tionary \^'ar. 

Selwyn, a. R. C., Montreal — 1 set of ]Maps to (ieological Survey of 
Canada. 

SiiEiLDON. II. L., Middlebury— 1 Album, Pliotographs of Miildlebury Col- 
lege, etc. ; 1 pamphlet ; 1 i)aci<age manuscripts. 

Slade, J M. Middlebury — (•o])ies Slade's State Pa}»ers, by exchange. 

S.MITH, A. C, Minnesota — 2 vols, on Masonrv, bv himself. 



.' ~f(- 



U.:M ;r ••.,:?]. fv; 



•'^' 'j 



•.-., -ni 



Vennofit Ilishn-iral Societii. xxvii 

Smith, Kev. B. P., Brookline, Muss, — 1 book, his History Diutmouth 
College. 

Smith, Kev. ('. S. , Montpelier — (> pamphlets, ^'enuout Bible Society 
Kepons, etc. 

Smuckek, Isaac, Newark, Ohio — 2 vols. Ohio' Statistics, 1S78-9; 2 
pamphlets. 

SoTiiKUAX \- Co., II., London, En,i!;land — Manual of Fve Libraries. 

SPAUi.uiNG, Ilev. (J. B.. Dover, X. H.^-4 pamphlets, Sennous. etc., by 
himself ; 1 7o-cent scrip of the old Vermont State Bank. 

Staples, J. K., Worcester, Mass. — 1 pamplUet, " Xorman Schools." etc. 

Stock r>R[D(TE, Prof. L. S., Amherst. Mass. — 1 co[)y his Heport on Rain- 
fall, etc. 

Stone, ^V. L., Jersey City lleiirhts. — 2 books. 

S: vYKEK, W. S., Trenton, N. J. — 1 copy Minutes Pr<»vincial Congre.^s, 
Council of Safety, etc., of X'ew .Jersey. 

Supf:uvisous, San Francisco — 2 vols. Municipal Reports, 187T-vv-i). 

Taylok, I). T., Rouse's l^)^nt — 1 copy his Oration, July 4, 1877, and the 
original manuscript of same ; ;!17 ])amphlets, etc. 

TuKNKU, A. T., Boston—-,' .Auditor's Reports, City of Bost(Ui. ls7S-l>-8<>. 

TuTTLE ^: Co.Mi'A.w, Rutland — !I0 pamphlets. 

Tyleh, Rev. Ai.HEKT, Worcester, Mass. — I copy his Address on the. 
Battle of Beuuingtou. 

Tvr.EK, Ki.iZA<i. (Keves), Brattleboro — 1 coi)y Keyes (ieuealogy. 

Tyi.er, Rev. Tiros. P., 1). I)., Brattleboro — 4 vols, books; 1 package 
Manuscrii)ts from the estate of his fatlier, Judge Royall Tyler, relating to 
the Shay's Rebellion. 

Walker, Rev. K. S. , Springfield, III. — 1 Powder Horn from Lake 
(ieorge, 17oS, with a history of the same. 

Walket;, Rev. (iEo, L. , Hartford, Conn. — S Sermons by hims<>P'. 

Walton, E. P., Mont|)elier — Manuscript copy of his Address to Vi-rmont 
Historical Society. October, 187S ; 10 copies History of Montpelier; various 
news[)apers ; 4 pamphlets. 

Ware, Deacon Horace, \\'iHiam>town. Vt. — IG books a.s.<ortf^d. 

Wasiikut{N. Mrs. P. T., Woodstock — 11 ])undles news])apers : 47 pam- 
phlets. 

Weld, B. M., Bradford— '2 Catalo-ues, Bradford Academy, Kc. 

Wells, \V. IL, Chicago — 1 co}iy Chicago School Report. 

Wheeler, J. IL, Washington. D. C.— 1 Life of R. D. Spaight. 

Wilder, Hon. M. 1'.. Boston — '?> Addresses, etc., by himself. 

Woodward, .Mrs. .1. P>. . .^loiitpt lit-r — \>< vols. Vermont Reiristration 
Re]»orts ; "2o vols, miscellaneous l>ooks. 

United States Chiee of PLncineers — a vols. Reports, 1S71). 
- United States Naval Ouhervatory. — 17 volumes. 



xxviii Vermont Historical Sorieti/. 

Bureau of Education. Wasliington, D C. — 3 Circulars of Information, I 

No. 1, 18T8-9-80 ; 1 Public Libraries in tlie United States, parts I, II ; 2 
Reports, 1877-8 ; 5 paniphU-t^?. 

Depaktment of the Interior, Washington — 19 vols. ^Explorations, 
Surveys, etc.; oO pamphlets, P^xplorations. Surveys, etc.; vols. Senate and 
House Jo\irnals ; 1 Map of Colorado ; 4 vols, books ; 7 pamphlets. 

Patent Office, Washington — Weekly Official Gazette, continuously. 

Tkeasurv Department, AVashington — Reports, 1878-1). 

Post Office Depatitment, Wa.sliington — 3 Reports, 1877-8-ft ; 1 copy 
Postal Laws and Regulations. 



HISTORY 

OF 

FENIANiSM AND FENIAN RAIDS 

IN 

VERMONT. 



Ak Address delivered befoee the Vermont HisTORtcA 

Society at Montpelier, Oct. 19, 1880, by the 

Hon". Edward A. Sowles of St. Albans. 



T 






ADDRESS 



Mr. Prcsidput und GentUmeti 

of the Vvnno}d Hisfori'-id Socit'tif : 

The historv of Iivlaiid lins l>ct'ii charaeteri/ocl l>y local strifes, 
<livisioiis and disa])])oiiitineiits. Xo son of Jiers lias ever occu- 
pied tlie throne of Knglaiid. I'nlike Engijind and Scotland, 
the elements of discord have always shown themselves so promi- 
nently as to kee]) her [teo]»lc in continued subordination. 

^Vhenever success Inas heen within lier grasp, some disa])- 
])ointed as))irant and his faction, has wafted it from her and 
given it to others. She never could concentrate her united 
.<trength and fealty on any one of her ])rominent men so as to 
insure marked success, though she has had her Emmets. UX'oti- 
iiels, and scores of like statesmen and philanthropists. Xu 
where, in all the annals of her history have the elements of dis- 
cord more iprominently aixi forcibly exhibited themselves, and 
j-etarded luT nationality, than in the great Fenian inovement. 
Tile yoke of ]>ritish opi>ressi()n had become so wint'ing and bur- 
<lcn>onie to them, as they for centuries ha\t' chiime«l. as to cul- 
Jiiinate i?i organizations for relief in li\land — first designati^d 
under rjic local jianio of the '• Plucnix Society.*- •'Irish Ee\<v 
lutionary l)rotherhoo(l ** and *' Nationalists, " but ])etrcr known 
as Fenians, deriviiiii' their name from Konna or Fienna. an Irish 



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4 

military organ izatioi; in the third century, commanded by Fionn 
or Finn, who was shrin in battle in A. D. 283 ; and his command 
under hi.s grandson, Osgar, were practically annihilated during a 
civil F.tviio III A. D. .29t.!. 

The Fenian }3rotherhood of the United States was founded 
under a charter from the State of Xew York, for a benevolent 
society in tlie city of Nov/ York, in the year 1857, by Michael 
Doheny, John O'Mahony and Micliael Corcoran, subsequently a 
brigadier-general in the Union army. At the same time kin- 
dred organizations in Ireland were developing themselves in 
large proportions under the leadership of James Stephens — the 
funds for their maintenance being sent principally from tliis 
country. In 1858, Stephens came to this country and repre- 
sented the existence of 35,000 enrolled and disciplined Fenians, 
and solicited further aid. The friends of Ireland were called 
together in Xew York, and the Brotherhood was fully organized 
under Jolm O'Mahony as President. In 1860 O'Mahony visited 
Ireland, and there found a net work of clubs of the <:i-(h^r. which 
met statedly and secretly to drill. lie inspected v^''' niosn 
important districts, and was present at a meeting of tli'- Fenian 
leaders in Dublin, at which definite plans of action were agreed 
upon. From this meeting the organization receiv.d great, 
impulse in both c(tuntries. 

When the brotherhood was first organized in !N"ew ^' :k City, 
it numbered ff»rty membtTf; : but in 1870, it extended ^- niini- 
fications all over the I'nited States, British America ;'nd Aus- 
tralia, while in (ireat Britain it establislied ^* circles '" v^luM-evcr 
Irishmen were to be found. They were as completely organiz. d 
and otticered as any sohliery ever was, not in active sei'vice. 

In the I^idted States up to 1803, the order was but little 
known or uiider>t<.od. Our citizens saw men assemblirig bv 



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night auil .-ecrccly drilling' ; but they were confouuded with the 
martial attitude and warlike a|>i)earance whieh then pervaded 
this entire oonntrv, and were supposed to be portions of the con- 
tending arniies tlien existing, or in training therefor. 

These eirdes, especially in the large cities, furnished several 
regimen f- at the commencement of otir civil war, v^hich were 
familiar with militar}' ta.ctics and discipline, and proved to. be 
valuable accessions to the Union army. After the first battle of 
Bull Kuu, and tlie return from service of the OOth X. Y. Eegi- 
ment of National fruards commanded by C\)l. Corcoran, com- 
ptisfd largely of Fenians, Thomas F. ^leagher organized the 
so-called ••Irish Brigade" — likewise principally officered and 
filled by Fenians. This step was imitated all over the Xorth, 
and the Fenia.n element was aetive in tilling the ranks of volun- 
teer regiments com[)osing the Union army. 

In ISG'^, Col. Corcoran was taken ])risoner of war, and lod^'cd 
iu a Southern i)rison. After his lil)eration, his prominent posi- 
tion as a Fenian leader was the ur'uus of drawing nnmv of the 
organizations into the Xorthern army with ,tlie ulterior exi)ec- 
tution of u>ing tiie ex[)erience so acipiired. in the ciiuse of the 
liberation of their fatlu'rland. 

Farly in ISCo. T. C. Luby. a [»rominent Irish leader, came to 
Anierioa. and not only visited tlie [)rominent " circles " in this 
countr\, but also entered the Union lines and held nuH'tings at 
the Ik ;)d-(piarters of Irish regiments. 

On Nov. :>. isr,;j, the American Fenian Brotherhood held its 
Fir-t Xari(»na] ( oimi-ess in Chieago — the delegates representing 
15, (MM) Fenians, above one-half of whom were in the Unioii 
army. Tlie order w as (h'clai'eil to be strictly in a.ecoi'dance with 
our ];tv. ivi'i' from pnrii/.an pniitiesand ditferenees iu rei!gi''n. 



•>J! 



and declared the Irish people a distinct nationality wir]i James 
Stej)hens as its leader. Tlie central officers were to elect an 
annual Congress. Tiie State officers were elected h\ the States, 
and '"'centers ■' were elected hy •'circles." in whom the affairs 
of the organization wove entrusted. 

Soon after a newspaper called the *' Irish People/' le.-gan to be 
published in Dublin, growing out of which, |Was a riot at a pub- 
lic meeting in Dublin, Feb. *2o, ISfJ-t, from which A. M. Suli- 
yan, a loyalist, was forcibly ejected Ijy the Feniaiis. This some- 
what aroused the apprehensions of the British authorities, and 
emboldened the Fenians in their open declarations in both coun- 
tries, of their intentions of liberating Ireland. The uniform 
adherenee and sympathy of the FcJiians for nniversal frv.Mlom in 
this country, and es[»ecially their active coo[ieration and patJ-iotic 
zeal, shoulder to slu)ulder with our ouii citizens in all the san- 
guinary struggles, in all our battles for the su[>pression of the 
Rebellion, and their devout and oft repeated atta(.'hnient to the 
'^oldliag'' — consecrated by the blood of their bravest men as 
well as ours, were frcfpiently referred too, and bound them as 
with grap])les of iron to the hearts and sym]>athies of tlie union- 
loving people of America. It may well be claimed that but for 
-the timely aid of the Fenian organizations in this countrv, the 
goveriunent of our fathers might have been wrested from our 
control and <lestroyed forever. 

On the otliei" hand our ex})eriem'e with tin' Britisli Govern- 
ment was their experience. British ru'Utrality, so loudlv prated 
by Jiritish subjects, was pointed at by tlu' Fenians and sadly 
realized by our people as a mere sham, existing largely in boast- 
ful pretensions. 



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7 

The palpable insincerity on the part of prominent British 
Goveninient officials, including mem])crs of her ministry, and a 
hirge class of the aristocratic party of England and her colonies, 
created apprehensions of danger to the TJnir.n cause from South- 
ern recognition and orhcrwise, and greatly intensified American 
v^ym])aLhy and favor for tlu- Fenians. As IVjitish shamnentraility 
became ex]>osed. Fenianism grew and ke{)r Britain in check. 
This was particularly noticealile after the Queen's proclamation 
of neutrality, of the 13rh of ^fay. 1861, and followed bv the 
hasty and [)i\'cipitatc manner of according "belligerent rights to 
the re))els. and before England had intelligence of a battle, an 
incident of bad faith almost unknown in the history of neu- 
trality, as known and interpreted by modern civilized nations. 
This was followed on the 8th of Xovember, 1801, by the start- 
ling news of the ca})ture by Commodore Wilkes of Mason and 
81iileU, two accredited agents of the Confederate Government 
for the negotiations of treaties with Eurojiean powers, on board 
the British mail steamer '^ Trent," on the high seas. 

The J^ritish Government had always claimed the right of 
search, wliich was denied the United States in this instance. 
The United States (Tovernment, pvr contra, had always denied 
that riglit. Hence Commander Wilkes had, without authority, 
captured these two distinguished insurgents and had ^'made up 
a case "' based upon British precedent and authority. At once 
her Majesty's (lovernment nuule a demand for their release from 
Fort Wan-en in Boston Harbor, based upon her own rule of 
.-utioti "'thai niigiit ]uakes right." The American Government 
adhered to her own prece<lents and released them from impris- 
onnunt. 



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Afterwards, these quasi officials were received l)V Lord John 
Eusseli, I^ritish ^linister of Foreign Affairs, and an intei'view 
was held on the 4tli of May, 1802, whom he afterwards (k'scribed 
as *^the thive gentlemen de[)iited by tlie Sonrliern Confederacy 
to obtain their recognition as an independent State." On tJie 
18th of ^lay, 1801, Lord Tfussell sent a communication to Loi'd 
Lynes, British Minister at Washington. 1). C. instrnctiiig him 
to take such me;ins as he might judge most ex[)edient, to trans- 
mit a copy of tlu' dispatcli to the Britisli consul at Cluirleston 
or XeAV Orleans, in (»rder that it miglit ])e communicated to Mr. 
Jeiferson Davis, at Montgomery. This use of the British Lega- 
tion at Washington for such a purpose, was, as ^Er. Seward 
afterwards said, an act wliich the United States would have been 
jiistitie<l in regarding as an act of wai-, and tlie Fenians under- 
stood it. On the Tth of October, 180*2. ^linister tiladsttnie said 
in a speech at Xewcastle, ^* we may have our own opinions about 
slavery; we nuiy be for or against the South: but there is no 
doubt that Jetferson Davis and other leaders of the South have 
made an army. They are making, it api)ears, a nnvy, and thev 
have made what is nu)re than either — they have made a nation. 
(Loud cheers.) We nuiy anticipate with certainty tlie success of \ 

the Southern States so far as regards their se})aration from the 
North. I cannot but believe that that event is as certain as any 
event yet future a!ul c<jntingent can be."' 0, what a })rophet 1 
0, what a Fenian })oser ! 

On tile •2rth of March. 1S<;:}, ^^r. Lnird. tlie }>uilder of the 
Alahan.a and oiiicr i*am<, ^vlufh were seized i)y (nir Government, 
said in the British pai-liamcnt. " I have <iidy to >ay th.at I would 
rather l.»e hanch-d ilown to })osicrit\ a> the l)ui!di..'r of a dozen 
Alabamas than as tlie num who applies himselt deliberatelv to 



u 



- 9 

^et class iigaiijst class, and to cry up the institutions of an*>rlier 
€ountrv. Avliicli when tlicy conic to be tested, are of no value 
whatever, and which reducc<l liberty to an utter absurdity." 

Afterwards, John l^riglit, tlie otf-ox in the Britisji te:im, to 
whom he refered — thus rc})licd. "•* I shall contine myself to that 
one vessel, the Ala])ama. She was built in this country: all her 
munitions of war were from this cc^untry ; almost every man on 
board her -was a subject of her Majesty. . She sailed from one of 
our chief ports. She is reported to have been built by a tirm in 
Avhom a member of this House was, and I presume is, interested. 
I did not com])lain that the member from Birkenham {^[r. Laird) 
had struck up a frieudshii> witli Captain Selnmes. who may be 
described as another sailor once was of similar pursuits, as being 
* the mildest mannered man that ever scuttled ship.' '' 

Canada soon became largely im]>ued with the same .-pirit of 
unfriendliness, though there were as strong and devoted union 
men on her soil as ever uttered iinicm sentiments. On lier terri- 
tory thousands of Southern insurgents, refugees and sympathiz- 
ers congregated together, to menace the Xorthern army and 
Northern ifeo})le. and Fenianism followed. Here the South 
received the fullest measure of sym})athy. Here they seem to 
have t'ither infatuate<l or completely over-awed the local g<.»vern- 
menr -o that they could make incursions on United Stares terri- 
tory, wliere and when they pleased. Here organized tlie Lake 
Erie autl St. Al]>ans raids. Here originated tlie cons])iracy to Imni 
Xorthern cities and send infected clotliing into the United States 
to poixin Xorthern a<[iiedu('ts. ;md abovr :ill. to assn^>iii;ii Pi-c-i- 
<lent r.inc-oln and his Cabinet. Here Clay and Thompson. Saun- 
ders and P(n-terfield. Clary and Tucker and their coail jurors, in 
April, 18G5, sent forth J. Wilkes Bootli, Surratt and Harold, as 



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10 

embassadors of deiith, to laiirder Lincoln, Jolmson, Seward, Stan- 
ton, Grant and Chase, and the British (lovernnient dechired them 
belligerents. Here, lest ]ny assertions may be ([uestioned, i.-^ tlie 
evidence of it as given in a book entitled " Assassination of Presi- 
dent Lincoln and Trial of the Conspirators," printed in 1805 by 
official sanction. Dr. James !>. ^[erritt, a Canadian, testiiied on 
that trial, "T think 1 saw the prisoner. D. C. Harold in Canada. 
Saunders said that Booth was heart and soul in this project of 
assassination, and felt as much as any ])ers(m could feel, for tho 
reason that he was a cousin to Beal that was hung in Xew York. 
He said tliat if they could dispose of Lincoln, it would be an easy 
matter to dispose of Jolmson, he was such a drunken sot ; it 
would be an easy matter to disprx^e of him in some of his drunken 
revelries." and Saumk'rs knew. 

Richard Montgonu'ry testified, "I fre(piently heard the >ultject 
of raids upon our frontier and the burning of cities spoken of by 
Thompson, Clay. Clary, Tucker and Saunders. * * Before- 
the St. Albans raid I knew of it." 

Sanford Conover testified, "Of the accused who visited these 
persons (in Montreal) I knew John AVilkes Bootli and Jolm H. 
Surratt. Bootli I saw but once. That was in the latter })art of 
October, 1804. I think I saw him with Sainiders and also at 
Thnrnpson's. I saw him princi})ally ab(nit St. Lawrence llall.'" 

Henry Finegas testified, ••T heard Clay say "I su})})»)sc they 
are getting ready for the inauguration of Lincoln, t)e\'t month.' 
Saunders says, ' Yes, if the boy,< only have luck Lineohi woii't 
trouble thnn much longer.' Clay asked, ' L^ everything well?' 
Saunders re]>lied, ' 0, yes. Booth is bossing tlie job.^"' On Bnoth's 
bodv after he was shot bv Boston Corbett were found bills of 



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11 

exchangt! (irawn by the Outjirio Bank of Montreal, proven to liave 
been sold to him at Montreal and bearing date Oetol)er 20, ISGl, 
eight days after the St. Albans raid. 

The writer had ])ersonal knowledge of the existence of a large 
Fenian organization in Montreal in October. 18'>4, and employed 
in behalf of the snlferers by the St. Albans raid, an attorney 
known to many to l)e the acknowledged leader of the organiza- 
tion in that city. In many seemingly reckless adventures as 
counsel, witness and sufPerer among the Southern refugees and 
their friends in that city, in pursuit of justice and the reclamation 
of property, I was always conscious that while the strong arm of 
the British law might be doubtful ])rotection to the person — ^as it 
was to our property — any personal violence would be visited by a 
speedy retaliation on the part of thousands of Fenians, many of 
whom were congregated at the various legal proceedings con- 
nected with that raid, proffering their sympathy and support. 

In 186*2 Mr. Seward called the attention of the British govern- 
ment to the inade<]uacy of the English and Canadian statutes to 
preserve neutrality and requested that they might be made more 
stringent. Lord Palmerston declined, so that Canada in fact had 
none in force until February, 1865, after the war was nearly over 
and the British "war in disguise" was nearly done. So defective 
was their statute that a learned judge of orie of her majesty's 
supreme courts declared *' that a whole fleet of ships of war could 
be driven through Uw statute." Caleb Cushijig wisely ivmarked 
before the ti'ibunal ot arbitrati(jn, •* That, as a matter of fact, a 
whole fleet of s]iips of war was driven through the statute," as 
Was in proof before this tribunal. 

This ^\as in wide contrast with the conduct of the United 
States under similar circumstances of a rebellion in Canada in 



Jl •{. ,', 



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'I / i 



12 

183T-8. Mr. Fox, the Brirish Minister, to use Jiis own language, 
^'' solemnly a})pealed to the supreme government pn)m]»rly to 
interpose its sovereign authui-ity for arresting the disoi-ders.** and 
inquired "what nutans it j)r()j!()sed to euiploy for tliat pur})nse." 
Congress immediately passed a neutrality aet and Pi-esideut A'an 
Buren issued a neutrality ])rochimation. aud tlie whole frontier in 
this vicinity was hristling witli t!ie l)a}(niets of our v<)hinteer> to 
preserve striet neutrality towards our ueiglih(U-s. 

All these ])reaehes of neutrality and good faith were food upon 
wliicli tlie Fenians were growing in nund)ers and strength. an<l in 
fav(n- with the United States government, l»eeause tliey -greatly 
paralyzed the eft'orts of (Jreat Britain in her attemi)ts to nid tlie 
Soutli in their seliemes of ,-eeessi<m. In view of all thesi- enormi- 
ties Lord Staidey made hitter eom})hiint. in regard to the Fenian 
policy of the United >States. to which ^h\ Seward forcihly i-fplied 
in a dis])atc]i. under date of January l'^. ISOT. Tie said. '"I do 
not deem it necessary to reply at lengtli to the retiection.- Avhich 
Lord Stanley nnikes upon the conduct <»f tliis government in 
regard to the proceedings of the >o called Fenians. The F'enian 
movement neither l)egins nor end> in the United States : hut tliey 
are natives of ( Treat I)ritain, though (»nu' of tiiem have a>-iMned 
natUHili/ation in the Unite<l States. This ijinirri'l n-it!; (iiinf 
Britfiiii is nut mi Anu'iirou hiif n lirllish mii', ns olil — / si itrt-rf^hj 
hoj>f-' it imnf lint //^ us. histiiaj — <is f]ir intion nf flu' I'll i till KiiiiJ- 

doiu. TJieir aim is not American hut Bi'itish revoluri.-ii. In 
.seeking to make the territory of the Uniled State.- a ba>c for rhe 
organization of a re})uhlic in Ireland, and of military antl naxal 
Oftei'ation- foj- it- c-tahli-linir!i! tlu 'v. tliey allege that- thcv have 
ft)llowcd. a> an example, in->r, ,i. nfs >,i' ['>,'il i>Ji siili^nts i ,t rt iurd 
to our cit'ii war, alloiri'd Inj jii-r mnji'si n's iiur^ ninii'ni." 



:f» I. 






,!M-i ...ir 



13 

ThofT'C tUi^i^rani: })roaclies of neutvality. and wanton infrai'tions 
of international law and comity, not on\\ intlanied the loyal North, 
but also every Fenian against Oreat Tiritain and the South, whose 
cause that government had early es})oused. Tlie love of Whvny 
Avhich dvv'clt in the American heart and found a res})(»n-e in the 
patriotic bosom of nearly every Irishmjui in this country, nuule 
Americans and Irishmen allies m the su|)|)ression of the great 
rebellion, and induced the Ignited States government and }»eople 
to favor the Fenian cause iov the pur]»<»se of showing to England 
that she too had her elements of discord in her midst, whic-ii 
like Hamlet's ghost would a})[)ear and trouble its author. It. also 
led i\w Fenijins to Indieve that British }trecedents of nc-utrallty 
would ])e followed by the United States governmoit whenever 
occasion presented itself. Hence Great Britain l)ecame alarmed 
at the magnitude of tlie Fenian movement and l)egan to look to 
her own situation, and at tlu' same time assure tlu- United 
States of her extreme friendshi]) di])loniatically, which was much 
like tlie caricature of the fox at the ])oultry meeting where he 
devoutly rises and says •'let us pray." 

Hence the United States did for a tinn* pursue the -ame lax 
and unfriendly [>olicy which (Jreat Britain had folh»vrt.d during 
the war. In violal ion of lu'r laws she too had all twcd rht-e arnu'd 
bands to organize on her territory for. the axowcd {uir]M*se «•! 
o])t'rating against England, am! with tlu- avowed objici nf j-r-- 
duciug "a counter irritant" on the body politic of England, 
and lead her to realize that she too had her intestine f«K'- a.> well 
as othei- nations, and tliat conspiracies an<l in^urnrt i^'iis were 
likely at any time to engage her attention and tax hei- -ti-euirth 
and resources. 



14 

Those who iiitiniately knew tlie great mind whicli ]>vesided 
over the destinies of our foreign relations during the darkest days 
of our rebellion, and guarded as with an Argus eve its dittieulties 
and combinations, make bold in saying' that this Fenian niove- 
ment was eneouraged as a great strategic movement to defeat 
British intervention, wbieh, it is claimed, that nation had 
promised to the struggling, languishing Soutli. Indei'il, Mr. 
Seward wrote Minister Adams at the eoni'l of St. .lanu'S in 1S6G, 
asking the opinion of the latter, as to 4^he ]>oliey of -'making up 
a case" witli the Fenians against (ireat ]*)rilain similar to those 
then arising with Great I^ritain gro^\ing out of their neutral 
relations towards the United'^States during our civil war. with a 
view of realizins: compensation from British dei)redation> — direct 
and indirect — u})on our navy, territory and people during <>ur war. 
Minister Adams at once replied that such a coui-se \^(^u^(l lack the 
element of belligerency — uidess that was ac(,'oi-dc<l to the Fenians 
— and then it W(mld be a concession that Britain was right in the 
course she had pursued. For this and other minor things the 
Fenians entertained feelings of i)rofound indignity towards Mr. 
Adams. 

But who can say, then, that the great army of Fenians then 
menacing Great Britain in all directions was jiot one of the most 
potent means of ({uelling the ?)]-itish F.ion in his lair, and tiiat it 
led in part to the final triurn})h <>f our Northern army? AVho 
can doubt, then, that the Fenian cause wa> a ])owerful agency in 
collecting our great debt against (Jreat r>ritain growing out of 
the war? 

In Jjtnuary. ls<)5, the second Fenian c<tngi-ess met at Cincin- 
nati, when "the circles'' had increased five fold, and the finan- 
cial receipts exceeded the total (»f seven previous years, as the 



15 

result of British feignt'd n(3utrality towards the United States. 
The middle ehisses in Ireland were in ftivor of revi)hition. The 
termination of war in this country left free those valiant Irish 
officers and soldiers on whom were centered mainly the hopes and 
expectations of the revolutionists. Disalfections and Fenian 
contagions began to spread among the Irish troops mainly com- 
posing the British army, and hirge numbers of tlicm secretly 
joined the Fenian organizations. On the 8th of September, ISG."), 
Stephens issued a ])roclamation in which he concludes, "The 
flag of Ireland, of the Irish republic, must this year be raised.'* 
and the cry of •'Erin go Bragh" was resounded throughout 
the land. 

On the 15th of September, 18(55, Jeremiah 0. DVRossa and T. 
C. Luby were arrested in I)ublin and incarcerated. On tlie next 
day appeared tw(j proclamations from the viceroy. Lord AA'ad- 
house, announcing the existence of the brotherhood : suspending 
the writ of haheaa mrpus ; offering a reward for the ap})rehension 
of its members, and declaring martial law in the city and county 
of Cork. Simultaneously many other arrests were made, and 
among them one C. AY. O'Connell, an ((ide-dc-ca/np of O'Mahony, 
as he landed at Queenst(jwn, upon whom was found papers 
incriminating many persons. Great energy was dis})layed by the 
British authorities in the dispatch of vessels of war. and in the 
establishment of a cordon of gun b(jats around tbc coasts of 
Ireland with its scores of noble barl>ors and l)eautiful l>4iys. On 
November 11, 18ti5, Stephens, living near Dublin \uider an 
assumed luime. was arrested aud committed to })ris(»ii, and ou the 
24th he escaped to France. 

As soon as this intelligence reached the United States, the 
third Fenian Congress was summoned at Philadelphia. During 



'•••'^ ' ' ■■')[' »''|;'-' t 1 /^' f ; ..\» .fir 









1' (!•' i|Mt 



IG 



its session p. .7. Mt't'liais. "ditor of the Irish Awf'ricfrn, and 
accredited agent of the hrotiieriiood in li'cland. retui-ned and 
reitorted even thing there as *• powerful, the niiinagenient mas- 
terly, and the ])osition s<did ;'*• and fliis when the revolutionists 
were utterly liO[)eless. Thirty States were rei)resented hy three 
hundred and fifty circles, with a nuanhershi]) of 14,(;*i<>. A 
Fenian sisterhood was estahlished. which i)roved a >uccessful aux- 
iliary in the raising of funds. John Mitchell" was releast'd from 
Fortress ^lonroe l)y President Johnson, and went to Ireland. 
The prisoners uiuU'r jirrest in Ireland were tried and sentenced to 
])rison for twenty years. In the nu-an time, the ru})ture l)etween 
O'Mahouy ;ind ii majority of the Senate, had heen gradually 
widening. His ]>;irty wished to oi)erate in Ireland. Tiie 
senatorial i);irty favored tlie schenu' of an armed expetlition in 
Canada, and were afterwnrds known as "the CanacL-i party.? 
Delegates were in attendance from Canada in res])cctal)le 
munhers. The characteristic disaffection hecame still more 
alarming. The excitemeiit of the Irish element in Amt'rica 
hecanu' almost uncontrolla])le. and O'^Lahony was im]»eachc<l hy 
the Senate, nnd succeeded hy Col. AVui. R. Koherts of Xew York. 
While Roherts wjis pre])aring to mow- on Canada. O'^r;ihony was 
in<luced to move ou (\nitpo Jielhi. New Brunswick. Some arms 
wei-e >cnt to Kast}K)rt. Me.. ;ind the command <.>f the expedition 
WMs ;iv>ume<l hy Major B. I). Kellian. Large numhrr- a— cniijled 
at East|#»rt, hut ()\Mahony had ordered their guns not to he sent 
from ^\'W York. (JemTal ^feade was dispatcheil hy the United 
States tiuthorities to A\at<di theii- movements and thev soon 
dispersed. 

On May lo. IS^Ki. Stephens arrived in New York and all hopes 
of extrication from their difference: centerul upon him. ))ut he 



17 

found the O'Mahuiiy party urging that all eil'urrs sliouhl he 
turned towards helping " the men in the gap" in Irehnul. lie 
said that all the men wanted in Ireland — nund)ering liund- 
reds of thousands — was money and cooperation to win iheir 
independence. Each party hitterly assailed the motives ami 
plans of the other. 

The Roberts party, under the military direction of (Jen. Thomas 
W. Sweney, a late officer of the Union army, was placed in coni- 
mand of the Canada expedition about the middle of May. On 
the 19th of ^lay, 18G0, twelve hundred stands of arms were seized 
by the revenue officials, at Rouse's P(nnt, X. Y. From the *3*Jrh 
to the 31st of May, 180(), bodies of Fenians, from varj<nis parts 
of the United States, moved towards Canada. ()n the morning 
of the 30th of May, the streets of St. Albans were suddeidy 
thronged by soldiers in civilain's dress to the number of about 
one thousand. They made a descent u})on us like an army in 
Flanders, without ])revious notice or expectation. They were 
reticent, and said that they had come ro St. Albans to look over 
the grounds, and note the events made memorable by the Cana- 
dian rebel raid in 1864. They had been induced to come here 
because they were confident we would mete out to them the same 
kind of neutrality, that Canada had taught and [)racticed. at tin- 
time of the St. Albans raid, which liad become established law 
throughout the British empire ; and as we usually folhiwiM] Brit- 
ish precedents, we .should not intcrfiTi' with tht-ni in tht'ir strug- 
gles for independenc;-. Here was history repeating itsi'lf ou the 
old grounds, ancl " chickens coming home to roost." Here were 
Canadian detectives atul spies congregated, and giving u> K'-<ons 
on neutrality as foutid in the C<jspel according to Coursal and ni 
the Acts of Youuij and his l)an(litti — the foi-iner nftcrwaril- {-r''- 



1/ .. 



■I. .i( 



'1/ 



MVn 



.-.fij. » , 



i-,i 



18 

moted to higli official position in Canada, and the latter reconi- 
j)en.sed by an appointment as a United States Commissioner to 
the Paris Ex})osition in 18T8. 

The expedition at this point was under command of Generals 
Swenev and Spear, and their subordinate ofHcers in attendance 
— among whom were several young men who had been com- 
pletely ruined financially by the ])iratical depredations on mer- 
chant vessels and their cargoes, under the British neutrality 
law, as interpreted and administered by such political ministers 
as Russell and Gladstone, who predicted that there w^ould be no 
longer a government of the United States which Great Britain 
would be bound to respect. Here they met a fellow sympathizer 
in the person of Capt. E. Lincoln, who was a sea captain on 
board the ^^T. C. Wales " of Boston, Mass., a merchant vessel 
on her way to Boston, from Calcutta in the East Indies, laden 
with leather and products of that country, and whose vessel and 
all its etf;cts were destroyed by fire, by Capt. Semmes of the 
cruiser Ahibama, manned in part by Britisli subjects, jDn the high 
seas. Capt. Lincoln and wife were taken prisoners of war and 
transferred to the cruiser — his wife giving birth to a child 
before landing at Nassau, a British port and a rebel rendezvous 
in the West India Islands. Here these men. were striving to 
collect their debt from Great Britain, and to aid us in collecting 
ours. Here the Fenians received a cordial welccmie from many 
of the citizens of St. Ativans, and especially the Fenian Brother- 
hood, under the leadershi]) of their actiiii:- ]\v:id <M'iir«T. Pett^r 
\V;ird, and treasurer .l'»i)ii. IJrcwn and others. ilvi'c inaiiv of llio 
brot]ierho(;d from neighboring towns assembled with alacrity, to 
meet their co-])atriots in the cause of Ireland, llvm were assem- 
bh'd tiie Fenian scouts and st)ies and al! rlie r'^tu'iif of secret ser- 



1 ; ( i : ' ; J 1 



ill- 



19 

vice. Here one of the spies exhibited to tlie writer nia];)s of the 
route, and ])laiis of the fortitications and garrisons at St. Johns 
and Montreal, and numerous letters from fellow Fenians in 
various parts of Canada enelosiug funds, and entreating thorn to 
make a stand on Canadian soil, and the brotherhood in Canada 
would rise up en masse and llee to their rescue,, striking terror to 
the people and making Canada a free independent Irish Ke})ublic. 
One of these letters was from a prominent British ofllicer at 8t. 
Johns, who advised tiie informant to let him know the night they 
would be there, when he would he on duty with the right men, and 
surrender the entire foutitioation into the hands of the Fenians. 
Here dispatches and cniiriers were going forth towards Canada, 
and nightly the invaders were forwarding J:heir small ordinan.ce 
and muskets, before concealed in the barns and outhouses, and 
secret de}>ositories along the frontier. A portion of the Fenian 
guard had r»roceeded tbroutrh S wanton as far as Hiorhofate, when 
a young lad in great haste, hurried to St. Armand, Canada, and 
gave an exaggerated account of the numbers advancing, to Capt. 
Peter Smith and Surgeon Bi-igham. in command of the volun- 
teers at that ])lace, and who, as the story goes, and it has never 
been denied — began immediately to fall back on St. Johns, 
about twenty miles distant. These two heroes of a tliousand 
^•imaginary battles*' were tfie tirst to lead the retreat, and 
each with their panting war-steeds, undertook to make the best 
time in the race. When they reached St. Alexander, the Sur- 
geon was ahead, and took the heat and the race — time wisely 
withheld to pre\ent the contestants from getting '* a record.'* 
The doctor, after a diagnosis of tlie disease, pronounced it ''a 
run of cannon fever." 



It . ;-, ;. If , ." • • ■- ' • 






■ 20 

Here^ too, the Ignited States troopsj and military band aj?em- 
bled in re>'})ectal)Ie numbers and bivouacked on the village 
*^ green,'' whieli added pfreatjy to the martial air of the occa^ion 
and the society of the villa^fe. Here Fenians in Idue louked 
down ujxrn P'enians in rags, with a complacent look and sympa- 
thizing smile, as if to say '• blank cartridges and lofty shooting '* 
will be our interpretation of American neutrality front an Ameri- 
can standpoint. Here (Jen. (leorge (i. ^[eade. the hero of (ret- 
tysburgh, and Lieut. Porter, the son of the distinguished admiral. 
and other otticers assembled, each armed with orders ready to 
watch every overt act of the Fenians, and seasonably promulgate 
them. They quartered at the W'elden House, and a grand hall 
was given in their honor, and the night passed "as merrily a- a 
marriage bell." Here the Fenians remained for three days 
awaiting the arrival of arms, <loubtle>s shipped by (J'Mahony to 
Ireland, or some other distant s[)ot. Here they made an attack 
on Freligsburgh, Canada, to instruct them in neutral rights and 
neighborhood comity, as applied to raids and plr.:.-!c:-. ami 
secured a large amount of what they called their legal tcn'-vr. 
*' straw hats and high wines." I'hey did no other danugc wi»rtli 
mentioning at that time <ave to lay the foundation ft»r a claim 
against ''the home" government of about one milli":i dollars 
which was paid and charge<l to the United States in < rf-et and 
disallowed. 

On their retreat the following day, their plunder wa.- cnns} i; u- 
ously displayed as tropbic.- of a hard fought battle ;:-d viet< :y 
won, and the Fenians bfgan U> di<bu.rse to their ho7i; -. M:i:iy 
of them were able to dcfi'ay the ex[»ense to their bonK>, but large 
riinubci-> rciH'ivrd aid and [»i-ovisi<nis from our local ;iutli«irii :i-.- 
nrtd (irizcn- \^> ju'<-\<'ii; (icj-rcii;!! iou>-. ;iiMi I'etunied tv* ris-ir home> 



-.1 1 


.yim-.'U 


. t ■ 


;<'r.n 


'-li'j- In 




.. ,;.,J>; 










21 

to "figlit another day." As Artemas Ward said at tlie grave of 
Shakes])care, "it was a success." 

On the 1st of June, 18GG, 1200 or 1500 Fenians UTidcr Col. 
O'Xeil crossed Niagara river at Buffalo, N. Y., and took posses- 
sion of tin unoccupied work called Fort Erie, near the spot where 
Sir Allen McXab gave lessons in neuti-ality in 1838, by going 
upon American territory and waters, and firing the American 
steamer ''•' Caroline," and then cutting her loose from her moor- 
ings, sent her over the Falls of Niagara. 0, history I Thou 
faithful chronicler of the i:>ast, how thou repeatest thyself. 

On the 2d, the Fenians were attacked at a place called Lime- 
stone Itidge, and held their position, losing several killed and 
wounded, and many prisoners. The history of the attack, from 
a Canadiuu standpoint, was given by Lord Monck, Governor- 
General of Canada, to Hon. Edward Card well, British Colonian 
Secretary, in an official dispatch dated June 4th, 18G6, as 
follows : • . 

*' Immediately on the receipt of the intelligence of an inva- 
sion, Major-General Napier pushed on by rail to Chippewa, a 
force consisting of artillery and regular troops under Col. Pea- 
cocke, IGth regiment. * * * ^ body of volunteers had come 
upon the Fenian encam})nieirr in the bush, and immediately 
attacked them, but were outnum})ered and compelled to retire 
on Port Colburn. This occurred sometime on Saturday, June 
2d. Cob Peacocke, in the meantime was advancing in the direc- 
tion of Fort Erie from Chippewa, along tl^e banks of the Niagara 
river, but wa.s not able to reach the foi'm.er place l)efore night- 
fall." 

On the 14th (jf June, Lord ^^lonck tlius wrote Mr. Cindwcll : 
"Yr<n_ii ;,n :l.n iiif.::ii;;j|i(,.n I ll-^(. ic(c'ivv(]. I uni iKiW sati^tied 



22 

that a very Iiirge and comprelicnsivo plan of attack had been 
arranged by the party which is pupidarly known as the Sweney- 
Koberts section of the Fenian brotlicj-hood. The phtce of inva- 
sion, in addition to the attemi)t on the Niagara frontier — the 
only one which actually occurred — appears to have embraced 
attacks on the line of the liichelieu and Lake Champlain, and 
also on the frontier in the neighborhood of Preseott and Corn- 
wall, where I have reason to think the principal demonstration 
was intended. 

For the latter object, large bodies of men sent by railroad from 
almost all parts of the United States were assembled at a place 
called ?»I;d'.>no, in the State ut New Yoi'k, and at Potsdam, also 
in the State of Xew Yoi'k : and with a view to . the former, St. 
Albans and its neighborhood in the State of Vermont, was selected 
as the place of assenddage. Large supplies of arms, accoutre- 
ments and ammunition were also attempted to he forwarded by 
railroad to those points, but owing to the. active interference of 
the authorities of the United States, as" soon as it became 
aj)parent that a breach of international law had been committed 
by tliose persons, a very large portion of those supplies never 
reached their destination. It is not easy to arrive at a trust- 
worthy estimate of the number <^f men who actually arrived at 
their different points of rendezvous. It has been reported at 
times that tliere were at Potsdam, Malone, and the intervening 
country, as many as ten thousand men, and similar rumors have 
been from time to time circulated, of the force at St. Albans, and 
its neighljorhood. Fronithe. best opinion I can form, however, 
I shall be inclined t*.' think that tlie number of Fenians in the 
vicinitv of St. Albans never exceeded two thousand men, and 






!,.iv--. 









1'- 'li-i (:i ■•^;,ji,! ,^v^.; 
f <•; ,-/ - . ).; -■■HI ry . ', i". 



« I'M 



33 

that three thousand would be a fair allowance for those assem- 
bled at Potsdam, Malone, and the surrounding countries. 

The men have been represented to me as having, many of them, 
tverved in the late civil war in the United States — to have had a 
considerable amount of ^inall arms ol a good and etficieut 
<iescri{)tion. I luive not beard of their possessing any artillery 
imd am informed that they were deficient in the su})plies of 
iimnuinition, and totally destitute of all the other equipments of 
an organized force. They appeared to have relied very much on 
assistance from, inhabitants of the Province — as the force which 
invaded Fort Erie brought with them, as I am now told, a large 
<juantity of spare arms to put into the hands of their sympathiz- 
ers whom they expected to join them. 

The determination of the (xovernment of the United States to 
«top the transportation of men and sup})lies to the places of 
assemblage, rendered even the temporary success on the part of 
the Fenians impossible, while the large forces which the Lieuten- 
ant-General commanding was able to concentrate at e^ich of the 
points threatened, had the effect of deterring from an attack the 
portions of the conspirators who had already arrived at their 
places of rendezvous. Xo invasion in force occurred except at 
Fort Erie. A slight incursion took place at a place called St. 
Armand, about thirteen miles from St. Johns, on tlie borders of 
the county of Missisquoi, which ended in the capture of about six- 
teen prisoners without any loss on our side. Although I deplore 
the loss which the volunteer force suffered when engaged on the 
'sJd ftf JiiiK' at fjimestone Uidge, amounting to six killed and 
tiiirty-one wounded, I think it is matter of congratulation that 
a movement which might have been so formidable, has collapsed 
with so small an anu)unt of loss either of life or pro|>erty." 



v> .. 






;; ..l'|-j;v 









•;:}/. 



24 

Lord Mpiick lefc it to Ihe Canadian press to extol the bravery 
and courage ot tlio volunteers, which for days teemed with graphic 
accounts of tlie adventures of a company called the "''Queen's' 
Own " of Toronto, and the volunteers generally. 

In September following Roberts summoned a congress at Troy, 
N. Y., wliich was numerously attended. The case of Col. R. B. 
Lynch and a priest named McMahan who had been taken prison- 
ers at Limestone Ridge, tried and condemned to death while only 
innocently watching the Fenian movements served for a long time 
to keep alive public attention in the United States, and about* 
$250,000 were raised by the brotherhood for their cause, and the 
excitement served to increase the numbers and influence of the 
Fenians largely in Canada. Through the "g^od offices of the 
United States irovernment these sentences were finallv commuted. 

In December following Stephens renewed his efforts to make 
Ireland the base of operations, and active preparations began. 
A plan to seize the Castle of Chester garrisoned by an Irish Regi- 
ment, was frustrated by the treachery of one Congdon. Killar- 
ney had been chosen as the center of Fenian operations in the 
south, and Capt. O'Conner was intrusted with the command. 
A considerable force of insurgents took refuge in the Galtee hills, 
whence they had been driven by a heavy fall of snow, and a 
general rising took place in Dublin in accordance with the 
orders of their leaders. In all these movements tlieir plans were 
previously made known to the British autliorities by recreant 
and disappointed men in the secrets of the Brotherhood. For 
these offenses T. F. Burke and John McCofferty were tried by a 
military commission and condemned to death, and th.eir sentences 
were afterwards commuted to penal servitude for life. J. Bovlo 
OTailiv, .-iiicc. chici' editor of the Boston PlloL was bnnished to 






1 :''-,i"'*;.; 'Vil 



.,t,. '',' :v^;t< 



.:^<i 



-y -■' n 



2b 

Australia wlicnco he made liis escnpc from imprisonment into tho 
"vvoods, living for days on nuts, and finally putting out to sea in 
a small boat, and after three days' sail saw a United States 
merchant vessel heave in sight, and hoisting a sigmd of distress 
was taken on board her and brought to the United States. He 
came to St. Albans in 1870, and figured extensively in the second 
Fenian raid as will hereafter a})pear. 

About this time the president of the United States was vainly 
applied to for the purpose of obtaining belligerent rights for the 
Fenians. Stephens had been relieved of the management of the 
organization and the future direction of the Fenians was 
intrusted to a committee until the fifth congress met in Xew 
York in February, 1SG7, when an executive committee headed by 
one A. A. Griflin was constituted. 

Towards the end of May, 1867, a second invasion of Canada 
began to be agitated. Large bodies of men Avere seen drilling in 
Detroit and Buifalo, and recruiting became active and successful, 
and St. Albans and Ogdensburgh were spoken of as deposits of 
military stores and. probable points of departure for a new expe- 
dition. In tlie mean time the parent organization had sent an 
expedition to Ireland. 

On the 13th of April, 18G7 the brig ^^ Erin's Hope" left New 
York with five tliousaiid five liundred stands of arms, three bat- 
teries of artillery, one thousand sabres, five millions rounds of 
small amunition, a supply of artillery amunition, and thirty-nine 
officers of every grade of infantry, cavalry, artillery and engineers. 
She reached the English. ;ind Irish coast and made several land- 
ings. Several of the offii^crs set ashore were captured, but the 
militarv stores were brouicht baek to Xew York. 



?:. 






jn 



.! i; -u 1 •■■i< 



26 

In June, - 1807, a convention of delegates in Manchester^ 
England, elected Thomas J. Kelley central executive of tlie Irish 
republic. This did not meet the approval of the revohitionists. 
Thus arose in tlie home organization a division similiar to that 
which paralyzed the Fenian brotherhood in America. Tlie sixth 
national congress ek^cted John Savage as chief executive. On the 
night of September 13, the. pc^lice of Manchester undertook tf> 
arrest four suspicious men ; two escai)ed and the others proved to 
be Col. Thomas J. Kelley and Capt. Deasy. On the 18th the- 
van in which they were conducted was attacked and the prisoner* 
were released. Sergeant Britt in charge of the \'an being killed- 
Subsequently five persons Allen, O'Brian, Larkin, Maguire and 
Condon were Jtried in Manchester and condemned to death though 
protesting their innocence. The three tii'st were executed and 
the two last reprieved. A reign of terror pervaded throughout 
the United Kingdom and Canada, and riotous assemblage's. 
became frequent and troublesome. On the llth of March, 1807^ 
the Duke of Edinburgh was dangerously wounded by a supposed 
Fenian. On the 7th of April, 18G7, Thomas Darcy McGee, a 
member of the Canadian Ministry, was killed at Ottawa in the- 
public streets, his opposition to Fenianism being the motive for 
the deed. About this time Queen Victoria was assaulted by a. 
supposed Fenian with a revolver. 

These unfortunate events so wrought on the public mind in 
England that Michael Barrett was executed May 2G, 18G7, and 
British activity began to show itself. Things remained compara- 
tively quiet until the spring of 1870, wlien the senatorial party of 
the Brotherhood on the 24th of May, assembled another expedi- 
tion on the Canadian frontier. 



■i] 



27 

On the 25th of :^^uy, 1870, the Fenians under General O'Xeil. 
to the number of about two tliousand in and about the expedition, 
attempted to effect a lodgement near Pigeon Hill, Canada, near 
the scene of their first incursion in 18GG. ^fany hundreds of 
them were in and about St. Albans the day before, wiiile at 
Malone and other points farther west on the borders they were 
forming large gatherings, with the evident int<nition of making a 
simultaneous attack upon Canada at numy different points on the 
frontier. 

The massing of Fenians commenced on Monday, ^lay 23, when 
crowds arrived at St. Albans, Trout River, ^falone and all along 
the frontier as far west as St. Paul, Minnesota. Telegrams from 
nearly all the principal northern cities indicated remarkable 
activity among the Fenians and also announced their departure 
to parts unknown. On the 23d of May, 1870, the last train from 
Burlington to St. Albans at night brought to St. Albans a com- 
pany of forty-four men from that place. They soon formed in 
militar}' order in the depot, and marched easterly tow^ards Fair- 
field, much to the surprise of our citizens, as the uninitiated had 
no inkling of any special activity in this vicinity. The morning 
train of the 24th from the south brought about one hundred and 
twenty men from Burlington and Port Henry, ^N". Y., a part of 
whom started immediately in squads towards Fairfield, behaving 
well and paying their bills. They breakfasted among the farniers. 
The rest tarried a while in St. Albans and soon started towards 
Sheldon. Some of them had small bundles sUiui^ across their 
shouhlors in tlio form of havei-sacks, containing provisions and 
clothing. Those going towards Fairfield took arms from the out 
buildings of a Fenian about two miles from St. Albans, and 
others deferred equipping themselves with the expectation of 



9iU 



■<(J' , V 



28 

getting some arms nearer the lines, During tlie night the move- 
ment of sui)plies was active. Men and teams were actively 
engaged in the eastern towns in Franklin County,. in transporting 
arms and siip])lies from where they were concealed tov/ards the 
lines. Eight loads were seen passing through Westford towards 
the north. In the aftei-noon seventeen loaded teams were seen 
on the east of Fairfield Pond, and under the cover of darkness 
they moved northward. The number of teams thus loaded were 
variously estimated from seventy to eighty-five. Early on the 
morning of the :^4th several pieces of artillery, together with 
several wagon loads of war-like materials, passed through the 
easterly part of St. Albans ; among them were said to be four 
breech loading Parrott guns with three wagons of ammunition, 
en route for tlie future seat of war. Several other pieces of light 
artillery were seen between Fairfield and Hubbard's Corner in 
Fmnklin. 

Appearances readily indicated preparations for about five 
thousand men, and if a sudden movement had bcTen made at that 
time, immense dama2:e would have been done to the Canadian 
government and pe()ple, and a probable stand would liavc been 
made on Canadian soil. The following morn.ing large numbers 
arrived by train from Troy, X. Y., accompanied i)v Major Moore, 
and from points beyond White River Junction, Vt., debarking 
from the cars a.t various points ])etween Pl'^scx Junction and St. 
Albans, principally at the latter pkice. The most of them were 
men of military skill and experience. Amoiig them was Capt. 
Jolm Lonergan of P)urlingt()n, W.. well known iii this vicijiity 
as a courageous and brave Union ollicer. 

General O'Xiel debarked from tUi^ cars at Georgia depot, on the 
night of tlie '-34th of ^lay, and pj-oceeded incofj. by private con- 



I 

t 



29 

veyanco to Fraiiklm, wliero ho arrived the following morning. 
His presence was only known to the leaders at first. This vraa 
done to evade the United States anthoritiea and surprise the 
enemj'. ^ ■ ' • 

Onr government was fully informed of the condition of affairs, 
and there is good authority for saying that officers delegated to 
look after the Fenians were instructed by government officials at 
Washington, D. C, to delay making arrests until there was an 
imperative necessity for it. * , 

On Wednesday the 25th, the day of the battle, there was a 
general rally of our citizens from St. Albans and surrounding 
towns towards the *^ front," among them invited guests, reporters 
and strangers, ready to witness the battle. The press, ever on 
the alert for news, was represented by correspondents of the Xew 
York Herald and Tribune, Boston Journal^ Advertiser and 
Transcript, the Ruthmd Herald and St, Albans Messenfjer, 
Great cauti(m was exercised to keep a respectful distance from 
the field when the firing began, as they were somewhat careless 
about putting bullets in their guns on both sides. 

The movement of the Canadian authorities had been remark- 
ably active. Their volunteers were called out on Tuesday, the 
24th of May, and Capt. Muirs cavalry left ]\Lv)ntreal at sevcL 
o'clock that eveniiiij:. On the morning of the 2rjLh. at live o'clock, 
a special train with the first battalion Prince IiIiIl' Brigrtde, 
under command of Lord A. Russell, with the Royal Highness 
Prince Arthur on the staff, left Bonaventure station, ^I-uitreai, 
en. ri)!ite for St. Johns, wIutc volunteers had precede;.! them, to 
be there posted as Gen. Lindsley might see proper. 'J'hoy 
nuinliei'cd seven hundred stroug. Col. Smith wifli a (lct;p'ii!!h.::: 
of troops having arrived at Stunbr'ulge — ab(jut figiit mii^:.- i'r. ■ ^ 



30 

the border — late on the previous night, left early in the morning 
^^companied by liieut.-Col. Chamberlain's corps for Cook's 
Corners, the old cam])ing ground at the first Fenian raid. When 
they arrived at this ]>laee they found already befoi-e them the 
"Home Guards " of Dunham, commanded by Capt. Westover. 
Oen. Lindsley disposed of the balance of the forces, volunteers 
and regulars, at other jioints along the Huntington borders. 

On the morning of the Sotli, the Fenians were quartered in 
large numbers about Franklin Center, a short distance from the 
border and on the road leading thence to Cook's Corners, on the 
Canadian side. They had scattered their eases of arms and 
ammunition, which were being o})ened and distributed among the 
men. It is estimated that at this point the Fenians num])ercd 
about two thousand strong, and had arms for about two thousand 
more. Gen. O'Xeil with Gen. Donelly, his chief of statf. Cols. 
Brown and Sulivan', and Capt. Lonergan spent a part of the 
night at Franklin Center, and early in the morniug proceeded 
with the advance towards the line. 

As the Fenians were approaching the lines. Gen. Geo. P. 
Foster, United States Marshal, received a dispatch ordering the 
arrest of the leaders. Before doing so he remonstrated with 
them to dissuade tliem from advancing. They disregarded the 
proclamation of President Grant, which hud then Ijeon issued, 
and Gen. Foster crossed the lines and informed Col. Smith that 
he had no troops at liand to prevent the Fenians from crossing, 
and the Canadians ])rei)ared at once for the onshnight. The 
"Home Guards" had been in position on tht' liill-side, ubout 
five hundred yards from ilie ])«)iind;irv bjie, since the iiightof tlio 
24th, where in the morning they wt;i-e joiiR*] \>y u i-irtion ot thf^ 
forces under Col. Sniitli and I /leur. -(;.-!. ChauilK ihiin., and at. 



31 

otlier near points there were ample reserves in waiting, ready to 
advance on an hour's notice. 

The position of the Canadians was almost impregnable — the 
Tocks and brushwood furnishing them a splendid natural shelter 
which they improved by throwing up rifle pits. They fought, 
therefore, almost under cover, and the result sliowed with perfect 
safety to themselves, and some loss to the Fenians. Before noon 
the Fenians marched onward. O'Xeil was, or professed to have 
been, in high spirits. The house of Alvah Richards, about ten 
rods south of the border line, was chosen as the place from which 
to view the ' attle. The Fenians came down by Richards' house 
and passed along the road leading to Cook's Corners. Some 
eight rods north of the Canada line is a gully through which 
runs a small brook, named in sonie of the accounts " Chick-a- 
Biddy," over which the road is bridged and beyond which are 
the heights that were occupied by the Canadians. From Richards' 
house to the Canadian position was only about a quarter of a 
mile. 

The American accounts as given by eye witnesses from an 
American standpoint, are that at eleven o'clock. Gen. Geo. P. 
Foster, United States marshal for Vermont, arrived and caused 
the road, which the Fenians had rendered impassable for some 
time, to be opened. Almost immediately orders were given 
to fall in and the march began, in about a hundred rods of the 
line, orders were given to load, and this being done the march 
was resumed. Very soon the red coats of the Canadians were 
seen skirting the edge of the woods on the side-hill to the left 
of the road, and when the Fenians arrived near the brick house 
of Alvah Richards they halted and Gen. O'Xeil made a speech. 



32 

A newspaper reporter stood by Lis side and took it down as 
follows : 

^'Soldiers: — This is the advance guard of tlie Iririli Americiin 
army for the liberation of Ireland from the yoke of the oppressor. 
For your own country you now enter that of the enemy. The 
eyes of your countrymen are upon you. Forward, march !" 

The advanced position having been assigned to Capr. Wm. 
Cronan's Burlington Company, he stepped forward and addressed 
Oen. O'Neil as follows : 

^^ General : — I am proud that Vermont has the honor of leading 
this advance. Ireland may depend upon us to do our duty." 

Col. Brown, with a musket in his hands, then addressed that 
company and said *'that he had been honored with the command 
of the skirmish line. lie knew the men were brave and all he 
asked of them was to keep cool and obey orders." 

The advance was then resumed by the flank in the road, and 
just as Capt Cronan's company passed '^Eichards' house," and 
were descending the little hill towards tlie line, which wis about 
t-en rods distant, and a skirmish line was being formed, tiie fight 
commenced by the Canadians opening a sharp volley from their 
concealed positions, and much nearer than the Fenians had 
supposed. Capt. Cronan's men immediately faced to t/ie left 
and returned the fire. Gen. O'Xeil was just in the rear, p.irtially 
I sheltered by the house, bat h% immediately took an exposed posi- 

tion and began to survey tlie position of the enemy tlir'jugh his 
\ o])era glass. 

The two companies that were following became excited, and 
would liiivo C'.'ntinucd so, but their oflicers were cOol, and in an 
instii.nt the men became so, and moved forward in good order 
to the hillside on the left. The tiring became general on both 



: :-;! 



I'i.d 



33 

sides aud conl iniied for about an hour. It was said that Capt. 
Cronan ci-ossed the line and then marched by the flank in a semi- 
circle, back again and to a more advantageous position, a little 
farther to the left. 

In the midst of the engagement a newspaper reporter received 
''a bullet" rather than ''a brick" in his hat. The bullet beins; 
less congenial than " the brick," this reporter displayed more 
modesty and discretion than is usually displayed by reporters, and 
retired to the rear with others of his associates. Thereafter they 
reported the further proceedings of the battle from *^ information 
and belief." 

Hence I shall be compelled to give the further proceedings of 
the day from a garbled account written, and a picture of the 
battle ground and the arrest 'of O'Xeil, given by an artist of the 
Canadian lUnstratcd News, *' taken on the spot" as usual. He 
says the Fenians beginning to retreat after the first few volleys. 
Gen. O'Neil turned to rally them by the following speech, which 
I give, though it has never been produced in any American 
report of the battle : 

*^Men of Ireland: — I am ashamed of you. You have acted 
disgracefully, but you will have another chance of showing 
whether you arc cravens or not. Comrades, we must not. vve dare 
not, go back now with the stain of cowardice on us. Comrades. I 
will lead you again, and if you will not follow me, I will go with 
my officers and die in your front. I leave you now under com- 
mand of Boyle O'Keilly." 

About this time the accounts agree that Gen. O'Xeil, under 
the mistaken apprehension that he was Gen. Donelly, as he was 
near *'Kiehards' house," was arrested by Gen. Foster, United 
States marshal, and his deputy, Thomas Failcy, who by a graiil 



. ■ ' ..i.' 



34 

coup de main thrust tJie General into a close carriage in readiness, 
amidst the Fenian forces and flying bullets, and drove for some 
distance through numbers of approaching Fenians wlio little 
suspected tliat their chief was being carried from the field under 
arrest. . 

When Gen. Foster first made his appearance within the Fenian 
lines he was ordered to halt, and after announcing his official 
<;haracter, was placed under arrest and conducted to the Fenian 
headcpiarters, where he had an interview with Gen. O'Xeil under 
the mistaken a])prehension that it was Gen. Donelly whom he 
was addressing, and in total ignorance as he says that Gen. O'Xeil 
was there present. He then entered the Canadian lines and was 
there again placed under arrest by the guard and conducted into 
the presence of the officer of the day. Aviio ju-oved to be the chival- 
rous Capt. Peter Smith with whom he was acquainted and by 
whom he was conducted to Col. Smith in command, lie then 
informed the Canadians that he had been taken by surprise as to 
the Fenian movements and was without any warrants for their 
arrest, and was powerless to prevent the Fenian advance, and 
soon returned to the Fenian headquarters. Gen. Foster says 
that he never knew his prisoner was Gen. O'Neil until they had 
proceeded some distance towards St. Albans, when Gen. O'Neil 
made kru>wn the fact to him. These facts were obtained from 
Gen. Foster personally, sliortly before his death. 

Gen. Foster then tokl Gen. Q'Neil that if he offered any 
resistance he miglit be shot, and lie was liastily driven to St. 
Albans without warrant for his arrest and detention. 

The Canadian accounts state that O'Reilly made another 
advance of the Fenians, and a straggling fire kept up for a time; 
hut few casualties of a serious ciiaracter occurred to the Fenians, 



35 

and none at all to the Canadians who could scarcely be seen, and 
that in the afternoon three companies of Fenians occupied the 
roads opposite the Canadians, and for a time kept up a brisk and 
harmless fire. . 

t>en. Donelly was in command a short time during the 
(^ngagemetit after OVN'eil's arrest, but was severely wuimded. 
Hence 0-Keilly must have held a subordinate command at the 
time of Gen, O'Neirs arrest. 

The result of the battle was as follows : Killed, Joim Howe 
of Co. A 1st Fenian Cavalry of Burlington, Vt., shot through 
the throat : M. O'Brien, Co. C 1st Fenian Cavalry, from 
Moriah, N. Y. Wounded. Gen. J. 8. Donelly of Utica. N. Y., 
chief of Stat!, shot in the thigh ; Lieut. Edwdrd Hope of the 
Meagher Rifles of Bridge[»ort, Conn., through the left thigh; 
Frank Carrigan of the same company chmgerously wounded in 
the groin ; E. Cronan of I^ridgeport. C(.>nn., in the leg : James 
Heenan of Fort Edward, N. Y., ankle : Edward Hallahan of Co. 
C, 1st Fenian Cavalry, in the arm ; Private Charles Carlcton of 
Cambridge. A^t., liesh wound on the leg; Daniel Ahern of 
Winooski, Vt., bad wound in the hip; and another man, name 
unknown. The com})anies of Capts. Fitzpatrick and Conory of 
Bridgeport, Conn., suffered the greatest loss. 

A Fenian council of war was held on the night of the '-^oth, and 
itfterwards it was alleged that the demoralized effect of the arrest 
of Gen. O'Neil and the rigid enforcement of the president's 
proclamation botli conspired to dishearten the k'aders and the 
leaders and the council decided to abandon the campaign. This 
proved to be a mere ruse to divert attention. 

Tile nianncM' of Gl-u. CNeil's arrc-t was ininuHliaiely telo- 
grapiit'd lu Presii.iciii <.rr:uit wlio pronouneed it, under tiie circum- 



36 

stances. '^oriO of iho most ludicrous things lie ever knew," as did 
many others, but they were unmindful of the fact that the 
supremacy of the law, after four years of fighting, had been so 
established even in the hands of a United vStates marshal, as to 
make it more potent than a vSamson unshorn of his locks amoTig 
the Philistines. 

The Fenian Gen. Spear,, in command of a like expedition at 
St. Albans in the raid of 18G6, with Gen. Gleason, arrived in 
St. Albans at noon of the 2Gth, and urged the leaders to go to 
Malone and make an attack in the direction of Trout River. In 
the evening they held another council of war, at which Gen. 
Spear was chosen comuuinder-in-chief with, some dissenting 
votes, and they started for Malone. Just before leaving Gen. 
Gleason received a dispatch from Gen. O'Xeil, in jail at Burling- 
ton, to the elfect that he expected to be released on bail the 
following day, and expressing a wisli tliat Gen. Spear be placed 
in command at St. Albans and Gen. Gleason at Malone, and that 
he (Gleason) had just received a private dispatch fr;nn Col. 
Leary, private secretary of the Fenian Council at Now Ycrk. to 
the effect that large numbers of Fenians were beir.g rapidly 
hurried to Malone. 

Thus ended '' the battle of Richards' farm," fought in Frank- 
lin, in the State of Vermont, where the killed and won::(k>d were 
shot by the Britisli tiring across the lines upon the territory of 
the United States. The })hice and circumstances of tlicse tres- 
passes upon our territory will ere long give this battle a promi- 
nence in history which but few can realize. The Canadiiin 
accounts all presu})posc tlmt the l)att1e was fought in Canuihi' 
which has l)een accei^ted as tlie truth, and no international 
ditferences or correspondence liave arisen. But the real facts 



^ . : ! t : ( ' t i . ' ( ; 

;•: ■ :,^j ;, ;;r, tJi ,'f-/''^^ .if. 
•i Wf,,.).: .MM.> .•-'.,•:<.? .:^ 



. . -J 



1 I ''\ 



37 

are that all nf Hk^ Briti.-^b accounts speak of ''tlic battle of 
Ivichard.-' fai'iii," which lies entirely witliiii the territory of the 
United States, and the offense so far as the United States 
are concerned is as great as if they had .planted ''a seige gun" 
on the Canadian borders,, under the circumstances, and fired 
upon the approaching Fenians, two miles away in Vermont. 

The Canadians ])uried the body of the young Fenian, Kowe, 
upon whom was found a belt of one of the Burlington Fire 
Companies. He was buried under about two feet of soil, 
dressed, as lie was, in his f enian uniform, and with his pocket 
handkerchief spread across his face. About his grave the 
Canadians piled "'a cairn,'' or heaj) of stones, fearing doubtless 
that the spirit r.f thi^ youjig man might take Avings and bring 
forth ghosts, or his ashes, like those of Xapoleon at St. Helena, 
might l)ring fortli crops of soldiers and again revive the Fenian 
cause. On Tuesday following Deputy Marshal Smalley crossed 
the lines and asked Col. Smith for permission to remove Rowe's 
body, who replied that it would l»e given up to the friends of the 
deceased, but that no Fenian should be permitted to cross over 
for it. A short time tliereafter an undei'tjiker from St. Albans 
exhumed the body, placed the same in a cottin and carried it to 
St. Albans pn nnifp for Burlington for interment. 

A Canadian Irish poet closed some verses on this battle as 
follows : 

" The blood\ day at length was done. 

The Faynians wanted dinner, 

So o'er the line they bravely run 

Beneath their waving- banner. 

" The mane (^anadian crew were 3oId. 
They darstn't follow after. 
But kept their drooping spirits up 
Wid raisino- shouts of laufi-hter. 



, -'(VNcirrt . aiu[);iii;-ii .so I)f;iv(>ly fouii-lit 
Was ^u'loi'ioiibly inded, 
'V\\i- I. R. A. tlicii- c()urao;(' proved, 
Tlu'ir patliriot cuLise delVnded. 

*• Ami thf Fayuiiui bhoys, wid littlr noise. 
Retreated from the front, 
As brave O'Niel. Tlirou<2:h prison bars, 
Saw Burlington. V(>rmont." 

As tlie Feiiiaii>! left \\\v \)\\\{\v iiroiiiid tlioy .sold tlicir uriiL<. or 
cast thoDi awa} liy tlic rujulsidc. and clsrwheiv. wliere t\\v\ were 
seized \)\ United States I)ei)iitv Marslial X. B. Flanag-aii, in 
l)elialf of the United States governihent. Their retreat was 
covered l>y the tirinii' of a hi-ceeh l<)adin<i- steel .ann. ahout lifty 
yards 'Acst of •'Kiehards' fai'ni." at ahout six o'clock p. m., which 
was taken hy sonic lioys aftc^' the Fenians had al)andonetl it and 
drawn across the lines and sold to the Canadians, aiid which 
they clainietl to have ca[)turcd from the Fenians, and over \\ hich 
was dis[)laye<l the usual British '•'Muster.'" During- the after- 
noon and ni<i-ht of the hattle and the moriiing of the '-^Gth. the 
retreat on St. Albans continued, and that village was again the 
theater of military .lisplay and iisa!)pointed hopes. ]\[any of 
the Fenians were again without fc-d <)r the means of tr^^^isporta- 
tion. The former they must ha\(. Init the hitter they could, 
forcijo. Our citizens ami authoi'ities aaain u'avc them food an<l 
shelter, and the necessary means of trans})ortation to their 
homes. Several of the order were taken prisoners cAcn, as 
alleged, on ^'ernn»nt soii. and were lodged in jail at Sweetsburgh, 
Canada : among them 'Fhoni 's Mur[>hy of St. Albans, James 
II 'Ut and l*ati-ick Mcdnally. who. by the intcr^■enti(m of friends 
an^: the aid of fi;- United States governnu'iit, were released, 
mii(di dissatisih'i w'th Cai- 'dian puldic Ifoarding houses, kept 
»»n •• the Furo.M an | l:in.''" 



' ., ,. . . .;; * .:i 
.... u-ilT 



'1' { ' 



;.l. 



i 



39 

The exviteineiit atteiidiiiu- the in<)ver..'iit of the i-atrle, aii»] 
•liu-iiiLi- thefoUowiiig summer and vint! i, was \(';\ i^reat ahujir 
our Canadian fi-untier, and tlir<)Ui>-h<)iir iie Provii es uf Canada, 
intensified no doul)t hy f]-e<juent anonymous dispatehes from the 
news| iper reporters ot* 8t. Alhans. who, like the immortal 
Washington, after he had plied that historical hatehet to th.-. 
felling of that memorable tree in his father's ore lutrd. " eould no-, 
tell a lie." Xevertheless, "historv" here '•t^let-ps while tietion 
s})eaksy* and the londer she sj)ea!vs ihe Lore slie is ai>plauded. 
Tiiese i-eporters were possessed of tlu Fen an secrets and a good 
deal more, and frefpu'ntly deligh :•■«!. in t]ie extrenu' exn)>eranee 
of their nature, in writing, hy \\a\ of retaliation. intla)n:'t<trv 
letters for the [)ur[)ose, as the youth said when he tip])e(' -ver 
the hee-hive. of ••stirring n]) the inmates." 

(Jenerals Meade and McDowell .md their statf otlicer.- were in 
St. Alhans on the 'ISth of May, and left for ^Falone on the same 
day, looking after violations of the lumtrality laws. Ahout tlii- 
time the l)attle of Trout JJiver was fought, resulting in a repulse 
of the Fenians. These two I tattles were said to have h^en men* 
feints u> draw the Canadian forces in those directions, antl 
[)ermii i he nniin force. of ^\\v Fenian army, said t(( have hcen 
al)out twenty thousand strong, as imlicated hy the nu.ndter <•! 
guns distrihnted in the vicinity, to reiidezvons at Ogdenshurgh 
hy .-teamer. rail and otherwise^, then cross the St. Lawn-nee r'wrv 
ami })n>ceed thence hy the Ottawa niilnia<l to the ra[>ital "f 
Canada, cutting off nil communication hy rail after thvui. 'Jdif 
main liody did not come to tinu\ prohahly ]}y reason of ihr 
Stephens-O'Mahony disatfection. the result showing that '• the 
best made ])lans of luice and nuui gaiiLi" oft airiee.** 



( '. .:. »/>■'[' \>ir„ 



i)i, 



■ 1 ,nn \,. ,;;;. . • ., • ; , M ,■;,,( jir,;|(| 
)<-. •).•'! -'. -I'l II ijl t .' -; '■•• .< ).. 
.-. i!. t .; , 



.1 



40 

A summarv of this whole affair may be best illustrated by the 
witieism of the Irish hunter. Shooting a bird from a ]'»fty tr»,-e 
it came tumbling down u})on the roeks beneath. Running to 
him the hunter exelaiuu'd, "0. fool rhat I was to waste iiie 
powder, the fall itself would have killed him." So of the 
Fenian movement — their divisions alone would have killed tlieni. 

To appease the wrath of G-reat Britain, no doubt. Col. John 
H. Brown, Capt. John J. MoneJian. Hugh ^FeGinnis, Ca]>r. 
Daniel ^[uri)hy and Gens. O'Xeil and Donelly were arrainged 
before United States Commissioners Jasper Rand and Jauob 
Snudley, and held for trial. Gen. O'^'eil and (*apt. Bruwn weri- 
tried in the United States court of Vermont for breaches of 
neutrality laws, and sentenced to the Vermont State ^-rison at 
Windsor, Vermont, whence, after formally serving out a short 
term, they were pardoned by President Grant. ^Lauy of our 
countrymen would sooner iiave seen the tongue cleav^ to the 
roof of the mouth of any jtidge, thougli in the discharge of his 
lawful duty, than to have had him jironoum-e sentence on these 
brave union s<^ldiers, one of wliom was the only nnin who success- 
fully foiled and cajjtured the terror of tlu' northern army during 
the war — the gtterrilla, General ^[osby. Others would sooner 
have seen Great Britain first j)unish one of her own offenders — 
which she never did. thougli equally (■ulpal>le — before yielding 
to her denutnds for vengeance towards a home-leaving, liberty- 
loving and liberty-saving [)eople ! 

Irish weakness has always been Englaiurs strengrii. Irish 
characteristic disatfc'tion has always l)een her weakne<-. Had 
the two wings of this great organization worked together in the 
true spirit of eoiieiliai ion. and moveij ilieir entire for ■' - up=e,c 
Canada, striking hands with their nunier<»us friends an-i -ympa- 



',, ^ ■;.,"/ Vl !'l M'• 

*; ;^ if: ■,'(-/ 



It!.'". /J'H' 



<'. 



41 

thizers in' the Provinctv:, the world might have seen the green 
flag of Ireland waving in trinmph over a free, independent Irish 
Republie. 

Their genial wit and linnior ; their proverbial eloquence and 
oratory ; their natural heroism and bravery, and their intellectual 
power and enlightenment, should have disclosed to them their 
only element of weakness, and given them a higher and more 
independent nationality. On the other hand, this great move- 
ment served only to till the ranks of the Union army ; to expose 
to the world England's sham neutrality : to create disaffection 
and alarm on British territory; to engage her attention and 
resources in suppressing her own internal quarrels, and thereby 
to prevent her recognition of the so called Southern Confederacy, 
and above all to contribute towards preserving the government 
of our fathers — wrested from the grasp of a common adversary 
and preserved in its integrity by the patriotic blood and heroic 
lives of brave- and devoted Irishmen hand in hand with our 
own countrymen in a thousand hard fought battles. They too 
stood with our own countrymen as sentinels on "the watch 
towers" of our Repu])lic in the midst of war's deadly blasts, and 
saw "the star of peace" rise in all its effulgence over a free., 
emancipated people. From the battle of Bull Run to the 
surrender of Richmond these brave men Avere taught lessons of 
freedom, equality and liberty. While they could enjoy these 
blessing's under our beniirn g'overnment, thev naturallv looked to 
their fatherland and its o[)pressed inha]»itaiits with a yearning 
heart bi-im full of sympathy and compjo.-ion. 

Tht-y r\-]K'cU-(l ihaf the Anu'i'icau heart would at least respond 
ill iiratii luh' t«> ihrir ciill fMf -\ iu]tat hy aiu! iinii-inU'iActirion. ami 
It (lid to ;i -Tear exrvm. On the 't][\\ "f March. iS(M. (o.'ii. 



I ! '.' 1 r (,; 



l^iiiiks. in flit' Xarioii;-!! IIou.sc <>i" R(.i>re>c'iitiitive>, fi-<»ns tJir 
Coinniirte*' on Foivir)'n Affairs, suliniirtt'd the followinii-. whieli 
was adopted : 

I?esoIrf'(7. That thi^ IIousi' extends its syiu[»atliy to the [>e«.'pk' 
of IreLmd and Canada in all tlieir just etturts to maintain rlie 
indept-nelenee of state.>, to eU'vate t\u} peo}de. and to extend and 
})erpetnate the j)rineiples of lilicrty." 

Mr. Seward also wrote Miiiister Adams on the 28th of ^larcli, 
180;. "1 assnme it to he possil)le that sonu' where ami ar -ome 
time a seditions })arty in Ireland nniy jtroelaim an or-^inized 
insnrrection, with a sliow of delegated anrhority from -ome 
portiovis of the Irish peo[»h'. Siieh a pr»iceeding is intvnsely 
ex])ected by many eiti/ens of the Unire*[ States. That t-xpeeta- 
tion excites a [)rofonnd symparliy among adopted citizens of Jri.-li 
birth and their »leseendaids. It is etjiially maiufest thc.r the 
sympathy of the irJnf/c Anna'iean [)eo]»h' goes with sueh move- 
ments, for the I'eason that tliere is a hal)itua] jealonsv of Kritisj: 
proximity across onr northern border, and es[)eeiall\ f^r the 
reason that rids nation inthdges a profound -ense that it snstained 
great injury from the sympnihy extended in (Jreat LIritain i<» the 
rebel- dnring our civil war." Here is an open and avi»wed 
intimaii'-n that if uni(m and harmony had existed am<Mi_r the 
Fe[dan-. and thereby a i)roper stand had been made on Caiut-lian 
soil, an.d an open and fair battle and victorv won on that -.>:]. tlie 
I nifed States might have accorih'd belligerent rights to ihe >o 
called Iri>h KepMblic. 

I>in. on llic coni rai-\ . their divided ranks— t heir misco;i,/vive<l 
i<leas ot liberating Ireland on Ii-ish soil, with the imperial power 
of the Ih-ifi-h army and na\y almi»>t -urronnding iK-:!,. a- 
\\ (.'b>tt'r once >aid, ■"Who.-e morning drnni bcal. comm-.-'icirc.;- 



•Ju'f"- J! 



4a 

wifli th''.sun niul kccpiiiu' <'nni[)iniy with the rcvolviiip- lioiiiv. 
suiToutul- llii' wlmlc vAV\h with one contiimou- strjiiu nf tlic 
marti;i] aii- of lMi,i;-hiii(]/" and ahovr all tlic doinoralizcd situation 
of ouv own ('(Hiiitry and the exhausted cniiiiitiuii of oui- i-csoiirce? 
ai)d })('o[)k', wisely [)re\('iiteil such a reeouniti<>ii at \hu\ iiuie. 
As it is, tile territory of our free eouutry. vast in extnit and 
resources, is thrown open t<> every eniiiirant. Our in>tituti<»]is 
welcome every nationality, and our natural li-ateways are thrown 
wide <»})en to receive all who come within them, witii cdl our 
iiatioual and social privileges and immunities. 
0. blesxMlcountrv ! 



Tliert 's fi'ccMloiii at tliy n^'att-s, and i>'st 
For eartli's down trodden and opjirrssed; 
A shelter for the hunted lipud. 
And for the starved laborer — toil and l)read. 



ilj f.. 

•Ui 1 



i J » 






ADDRESS 



ON THE 



LIFE AND PUBLIC SEEVICES 



OF THE 



HON. SAMUEL PRENTISS, 



Delivered before the Vermont Historical Society. 
AT Montpelier, Oct. 26, 1882, by 



E. J. PHELPS, Esq. 



WITH THE 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE ^^ERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 
October 17, 1882. 



MONTPELIER: 

WATCHMAN & JOURNAL PRESS. 

1883. 



PRINTED BY 



ORDEK OF THE 



LEGISLATURE- 



-'■■^^TAJ, 






•^ 



-J 






PROCEEDINGS 



^*: The Vermont Historical Society pursuant to notice 
:^ met in the State House, in Montpelier, on Tuesday, the 
^ 17th day of October, A. D. 1882. 

z In the absence of the President and Vice Presidents of 
v^ the Society, Hon. Heman Carpenter was elected Presi- 
•"^.•"dent/r^ tempore. 

^l-> Dr. P. D. Bradford moved that all members of the 

f^v^ociety who have paid their annual dues for fifteen years, 

or an amount equal to their annual dues for fifteen years, 

shall be entitled to a set of the " Governor and Council^'' 

which motion was agreed to. 

Mr. Huse moved that a committee of three be ap- 
pointed by the President to nominate a board of officers 
of the Society for the year ensuing, which was agreed to. 

The President named as such committee : 
Dr. P. D. Bradford, Rev. J. H. Winslow, and Hon. 
Joseph Poland ; 

Who reported the following list of officers for the year 






!0 ^" 



,. .H 



:<U hnL /- 



iv Vermo7it Historical Society. 

President— Hon. E. P. WALTON, of Montpelier. 

Vice Presidents — Hon. James Barrett, of Rutland; 
Rev. Wm. S. Hazen, of Northfield ; Hon. Edward A. 
SowLES, of St. Albans. 

Recordifig Secretary — Chas. W. Porter, of Montpelier. 

Correspondiiig Secretaries — Geo. Grenville Benedict, 
of Burlington, and Z. S. Stanton, of Roxbury." 

Treasurer — Hiram Carleton, of Montpelier. 

Librarian — Hiram A. HusE, of Montpelier. 

Curators — Hon. R. S. Taft, of Williston ; Dr. H. A. 
Cutting, of Lunenburgh ; Hiram A. Huse, of Mont- 
pelier; Hon. G. A. Davis, of Windsor; Fred. Dutcher, 
of St. Albans ; 

And they were duly elected. 

The report of the Treasurer was read, accepted and 
adopted. 

Mr. Porter moved that Hon. Justus Dartt, of Weath- 
ersfield, A. D. Tenney, of St. Albans, and Thomas A. 
Kinney, of St. Albans, be elected resident members of 
the Society, which was agreed to. 

Mr. Bliss moved that Asaph P. Childs be elected a 
resident member of the Society, which was agreed to. 

Mr. Huse moved that Hon. James Barrett be invited 
by the President to address the Society at some futute 
meeting, upon the Life and Services of the late George 
P. Marsh, which was agreed to. 



'" it.l, \(. L. ,>. 



• 1 



■T'-J 






Vermont Historical Society. v 

Mr. HusE moved that a committee be appointed by the 
President, to secure, if possible, an address before the So- 
ciety on the Life and Services of the late Judge Pier- 
point, which was agreed to. 

The President appointed as such committee : C. W. 
Porter and J. H. Lucia. 

Mr. Porter gave notice, in accordance with Art. VII, 
of the Constitution of the Society, that, at the next an- 
nual meeting, it would be moved to amend Art. VII of 
the Constitution, so that it shall read as follows : 

There shall be one biennial and occasional meetings of the Society. 
The biennial meeting for the election of officers shall be at Montpelier, 
on the Tuesday preceding the third Wednesday of October, in the 
years of the sessions of the Legislature. The special meetings shall 
be at such times and place as the Board of Managers shall determine. 

Dr. H. A. Cutting moved that a list of the members 
of the Society be prepared by the Treasurer, showing the 
year when they became members ; which was agreed to. 

Dr. Bradford moved that the Secretary be directed to 
endeavor to secure the use of Representatives' Hall, for 
the address of Hon. E. J. Phelps, before the Society, on 
the Life and Services of Judge Prentiss ; which was 
agreed to. 

Dr. Bradford moved that Mr. Huse, Mr. Porter, Mr. 
Carleton and Dr. Cutting, be appointed a committee to 
take such measures as they may deem necessary to induce 
the State to make suitable provision for the protection of 
the library and collections of the Society. 



A' , 



-.■di ., 



. •.:■ :.C! T^ 



: j:>]':iuii f> 



vi Vermo7it Historical Society. 

On motion of Mr. Porter, the following resolution was 
adopted : 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Society are hereby presented to 
Frederick J. Prentiss, Esq., of Greenport, Long Island, for an ex- 
cellent portrait of the late Hon. Samuel Prentiss, from the easel of 
Thomas W. Wood. 

On motion of Mr. Huse, the Society adjourned until 
Oct. 26th, at 7 o'clock, p. M. 



The Society met, pursuant to order of adjournment, on 
the 26th of October, A. D. 1882, at 7 o'clock, p. m. 

Hon. E. J. Phelps, of Burlington, delivered an address 
before the Society, in the Hall of the House of Represen- 
tatives, on the Life and Public Services of Judge Samuel 
Prentiss. 

On motion, the Society adjourned. 



tlCv; (l# :;/!' -'Vi 



-X--' f- -' 

to \■r('.^ 



[i:ni: Jj-^-r-'jOiiiC /: TiOf^ t>d: 



-Vv[\. 



S.>.' 



REPORT OF THE LIBRARIAN 



OF THE 



VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 

October 17, 1882. 



To the Vermont Historical Society: 
The following are the additions to the library : 

Books, bound, volumes 408 

Pamphlets 2279 

Newspapers, &c 20 

Manuscripts 42 

Other Articles 14 

Total 2763 

A list of donors and others from whom the above have 
been received is hereto appended. 

After the list above named will be found a list of Early 
Vermont newspapers. 

Respectfully submitted, 

HIRAM A. HUSE, Librarian. 



/, J. 



■i<lO' 10 J2jl B hii 



Art 



LIST OF DONORS 



INSTITUTIONS. 

American Antiquarian Society, Worcester. Proceedings, N. S., Nos. 
I, 2, 3 of vol. I ; No. I of vol. 2 ; Index. 

American Board of C. for F. M. Mission to West Central Africa ; 
Congregationalism and Foreign Missions ; Explorations for mission to 
Umzila's Kingdom ; 4 pamphlets. 

American Philosophical Society. List of members, 1880 ; Proceed- 
ings, Nos. 65 to 109. 

Appalachian Club. Appalachia, Dec. '81. 

Associated Charities of Boston. Reports. 

Astor Library. 32d and 33d Reports, 1880 ; 1881. 

Boston. 5th and 6th Record Commissioners' Report ; Auditor's Re- 
port, 1882. 

Boston Public Library. Bulletins regularly. 

British Topographical Society, London. 4 pamphlets: 

Canada. Geological Survey 1878-9; 1879-80, and maps. 

Chicago Historical Society. History of the Society; Dr. Patterson's 
Address ; Newspapers ; Sketch of Edward Coles. 

Chicago Public Library. 9th and loth Reports. 

Church of the Savior, Brooklyn. Channing Centennial. 

Dartmouth College. General Catalogue, 18S0 ; Catalogue r88o-i. 

Davenport Academy of Natural Sciences. Proceedings, Part 2, 
vol. 3. 

Diocese of Vermont. Proceedings, 50th Convention, 1882. 

Essex Institute, Salem, Mass. Bulletin, vols. 12, 13, and Nos. i to 6 
of 14; Collections, vols. 18 and January to June of 19; Guide to Salem. 

Fletcher Free Library. Report, 1S81. 

Georgia Historical Society. Anniversary Address, 1S81. 

Historical Society of Delaware. Papers, Part 3, 1S81 ; John M. 
Clayton. 

Historical Society of New Mexico. Inaugural. Address. 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania Historical Mag- 
azine, regularly. 



?.hU 



f . (tA Urn:..; »»''"^' '« ^ 



u''' f • 'J 



t norrs'i.n 



Vermont Historical Society. ix 

Kansas Historical Society. Collections, vols, i, 2 ; Newspapers. 

Library Company, Philadelphia. Bulletin, Nos. 7 to "9. 

Livingston County Historical Society. Proceedings, 5 pamphlets. 

Long Island Historical Society. Recent additions, 188 1 ; Proceed- 
ings, 1882. 

Maine Historical Society. Collections, vol. 8. 

Maryland Historical Society. Fund Publication, Nos. 16, 17. 

Massachusetts Historical Society. Catalogue of Dowse Library ; 
14 pamphlets ; Proceedings, vol. 18 ; collections, vol. 8, 5th series. 

Massachusetts State Library. Report 1881 with 2d supplement to 
Catalogue ; Catalogue. 

Minnesota Academy of Natural Sciences. Bulletins. 

Minnesota Historical Society. Report, 1S81. 

Missouri Historical Society. Publications, Nos. 5, 6. 

Mitchell Library, Glasgow. Report, 188 1. 

Montpelier Village. Acts of Incorporation and By-Laws. 

New Brunswick Historical Society. Newspapers. 

New England Historical Genealogical Society. Knox Manu- 
scripts ; Genealogical Register as issued ; Memorial Biographies ; Proceed- 
ings, Oct. 25, 1880 ; Jan. 4, 1SS2. 

New England Society of Orange, N. J. Constitution and By-Laws, 
I2th edition. 

New Hampshire Medical Society. Transactions, gist meeting. 

New Jersey Historical Society. N. J. Archives, vols, i, 2, 3, 4, 5; 
Proceedings. Nos. 2, 3, 4, of vol. 6 ; Nos. i, 2, of vol. 7. 

New York Genealogical and Biographical Society. Quarterly Rec- 
ord as published. 

New York Historical Society. Collections, 1877, 1878. 

Numismatic & Antiquarian Society, Philadelphia. Books of Chilan 
Balam ; Proceedings, 188 1 ; 19 pamphlets. 

Old Colony Historical Society. Collections, Part 2, 1880. 

Old Residents' Historical Association, Lowell. Contributions, vol* 
2, No. 2. 

Oneida Historical Society. Transactions, 1881. 

Provincial Library of Nova Scotia. Newspapers. 

Public School Library, St. Louis. Bulletins regularly. 

Redwood Library and Atheneum. Reports, 1880, 1881. 

Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence. Proceedings, 1879- 
80; 1880-1 ; 188 1-2 ; 6 vols. Rhode Island laws, 1879 ^^ 1S81. 

Royal Historical Society, London. Transactions, vols. 9, 10. 

San Francisco. Municipal Report, 1879-S0 ; 18S0-1. 

State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Report, 18S1. 

SwANSE.\, Borough of. 7th Library Report. 



.■nyqtxi'Ttiyt 



.} -.SU'U ^ 



''- (■>-r.jO 



X Vermont Histoncal Society. 

Tufts' College. Tuftonian, 1880, 1881, 1S82 ; Report, 1879-80, 1880-1 ; 

Catalogue, 1S80-1, 18S1-2. | 

University OF Vermont. Catalogues, i88o*-i ; 1881-2. I 

Vermont Bar Association. Proceedings. 1878-81. I 

Vermont State Agricultural Society. Premium Lists, etr. | 

Virginia Historical Society. Proceedings ; Wm. Wirt Henry's Ad- | 

dress ; Spotswood Letters. | 

-Washington County Grammar School. Graduating Exercises, 18S2. | 

Wisconsin State Historical Society. Catalogue, vol. 5. I 

Worcester Society of Antiquity. Records of Prop., Parts 2, 3, 4 ; | 

Proceedings, 18S0; Records of Worcester, Nos. 14, 15, r6, 17. | 

Wyoming Historical and Geneal. Society. 7 pamphlets ; 22 vols. I 

Geological survey ; Proceedings, 1882. f 

Yale College. Catalogue, 1880-1, 1881-2; Obituary Records, 1 880-1, I 

1881-2 ; 2 pamphlets ; Sheffield memorial. . I 

INDIVIDUALS. • I 

Adams, F. G. Topeka, Ks. Newspapers; Union of Libraries. | 

Allbee, a. M., Springfield. Deed of land in Putney, 1756. | 

Anderson, John J., N. Y. Our Title to Oregon ; Louisiana Purchase. 

Anthony, Henry B., Providence. Speech in Defense of R. I. 

Appleton, D. & Co., N. Y. Literary Bulletin. 

Barber, D. C, Montpelier. 42 pamphlets. 

Bartlett, J. R. 10 copies Bartlett's Methodism in Williamstown. 

Bean, D. H., Williamstown, Vt. Bible, 1790. 

Bingham, W. H. H., Montpelier. Montreal Railway Journal. 

Bliss,^Chas. M., Bennington. Report of Select Committee of H. of R. 

Bliss, Mrs. N. B., Claremont. 6 Books ; 250 pamphlets. 

Boss, Thomas M., Springfield. Centennial Celebration, ist Church. 

Bradlee, C. D,, Boston. Memorial Sermon on President Garfield. 

Brock, R. A., Richmond, Va. Catalogue of Green's Library ; News- 
papers. 

Brown, Dr. F. H., Boston, Mass. 2 vols. Medical Registers. 

Burrows, Geo. B., Madison, Wis. Address at Wisconsin Fair. 

Butler, L. C, Essex, Vt. 10 Vt. pamphlets ; Psalms of David. 

Boudinot, John George. Inaugural meeting, Royal Society of Canada. 

Cahoon, Geo. W., Letters to Caleb Strong ; Dissertations on Boylston 
Prize Questions. 

Caldwell & Downe, Ipswich. Antiquarian Papers, regularly. 

Carpenter, William, Waterbury, Vt. Lot of Newspapers ; 83 
pamphlets; 9 vols, books ; 123 Documents and pamphlets; 52 Walton's 
Registers. 

Carter, N. F., Queechee. Congregational Church Manual. 



iV.v 



1 ,'in- ^-y:! vifci'J.rt' > ; S 



I 1. ^A: ,-*'! 



■•nsiiT/. 



Vermont Historical Society. xi 

Clark, Henry, Rutland, Vt. 132 pamphlets ; 2 books ; 12 sketches in 
manuscript. 

Clark, J. Dt, Montpelier. 3 vols, medical works. 

Clogston, Wm., Springfield, Mass. Volume Election Sermons, (Ex.). 

Cobb, Nathan B., Strafford, Vt. 20 Registers and Almanacs ; 5 vols. 
Books; I of Newspapers, •• Trumpet " ; 17 of Democratic Review ; 15 of 
other Magazines ; 6 pamphlets. 

CoMSTOCK, John M., Chelsea. Vt. Obituary pamphlets, Dartmouth Col- 
lege, 1880-1, 1S81-2 ; 5th Annual Report, class of 1877. 

Cressy, Noah, Hartford, Conn. Trichinous Infection. 

Crosby, Nathan, Lowell, Mass. Distinguished men of Essex Count}-, 

Cudmore, p. Political Rings ; 2 pamphlets ; 3 vols, of his works ; Irish 
Republic 

Currier, J. M., Castleton. 14 Books ; 60 pamphlets ; July 4, 18S1 Cele- 
bration. 

Cushman, Henry I., Providence. 56 Universalist pamphlets. 

Dawson, H. B., Morrisania, N. Y. 13 vols. Historical Magazine. 

Dean, J. Ward, Boston. Record of Commissioners 1880, 2d, 3d and 4th 
Reports. 

DeBernady Bros., London. Next of Kin Gazette, November, 1880. 

DePeyster, J. Watts, Tivoli, N. Y. Mary Queen of Scots. 
~ Dexter, Eleazer, Reading, Vt. Journal of Colony of Mass., 1775. 

Dixon, D. W., St. Albans. Necrology of Vermont, 1881. 

Drowne, Henry T.. N. Y. Bristol's 200th Anniversary ; New York 
Genealogical and Biographical Register, regularly. 

Dudley, Myron S.^ Cromwell, Conn. Address, Sept. 20. 1881. 

Eastman, Mrs. C. G., Montpelier. 2 copies Eastman's poems. 

Eastman, S. C, Concord. Memorial of G. G. Fogg. 

Eddy, Charles, Brooklyn. 2 copies of Eddy Genealogy. 

Edmunds, Geo. F. 2 Smiths<mian Reports 1877-8 ; Commercial Relations 
of U. S,, regularly. 

Elwyn, Alfred Langdon, Philadelphia. Letters of Washington and 
others. 

Emmerton, James A., Boston. Genealogy of Emmerton Family. 

FarmaN, S. L., White River Junction. Hemenway's Gazetteer, vol. 3. 

Fearing, A. C. Boston. Bunker Hill Association, 1880. 

Field, D. G., Montpelier. Relics of House where Ellsworth was killed. 

Field, F. G., North Springfield, Vt. 2 pamphlets. 

Field, R. B., Jericho. 4 Vt. books ; 10 pamphlets. 

Freeman Office. 54 pamphlets. 

Free Press Association, Burlington. Weekly Free Press; 

Gerould, S. L., Goffstown, N. H. Gen, Catalogue Kimball Academy; 
N. H. Congregational Minutes, 1S80, 1881. 



xii Vermont Historical Society. 

Oilman, Alfred, Lowell. Contributions to Lowell Historical Asocia- 
tion, No. I, vol. 2. 

Oilman, M. D., Montpelier. Ms. copy Bibliography of Vermont ; 15 
vols, newspapers ; 300 pamphlets. 

OooDELL, C. L., St. Louis. Sermon. 

OouLD, S. C. & L. M,, Manchester, N. H. Notes, Queries and An- 
swers, vol. I, No. 3. 

Oreen, Samuel A., Boston. Piate of ist Meeting House in Groton 
Boston Munic Register, 1881, 1882; Warren's Oration, 1881; Wheldon's 
Revere's Lanterns; Boston Records, 1 660-1 70 1 ; Boston School Report, 
1881 ; loth Report Board of Health ; A. & H. Artillery Anniversary ; Gregg 
Anniversary ; 5 other books and 165 other pamphlets. 

Greene, L. B., St. Albans. Apache arrow. 

Hale, Robert S., Elizabethtown. Obsequies of President Garfield. 

Hall, Hiland. Howells' State Trials, 21 vols. ; 35 other books; 26 
pamphlets. 

Harrington, Elisha, Spencer, Mass. 2 Vt. Registers. 

Haywood, Wm., Lancaster, N. H. 43 Walton's Registers ; 3 vols. Vt. 
Centinel, 1801-2-3. 

Hazen, H. a., Billerica, Mass. Memoir of Rev. R. Anderson ; Andover 
Necrology, No. 2. 

Hemenway, Asa, Manchester. Genealogy. 

Hemenway, Miss A. M. Portrait of Matthew Lyon. 

Hincks, J. H., Montpelier. 12 Books. 

HORTON, Edwin, Chittenden, Vt. Georgia paper money, 1776. 

Houghton, Mifflin ^Co. Catalogues of Publications. 

Hubbard, L. P., N. Y. 75th and 76th Anniversary of N. E. Society of 
N. Y. 

Jarvis, Edward, Dorchester, Mass. Constitution, etc, Am. Statistical 
Association. 

Kelton, Dwight H., Fort Mackinac Annals of Fort Mackinac. 

Koon, Geo. F., North Bennington. Life of N. Brush, ms. 

Langworthy, L p., Boston. An. Report Am. Board F. M. ; 2 pam- 
phlets. 

Leavenworth, A. E., Castleton. 427 pamphlets ; i newspaper ; 20 steel 
portraits of W. Slade. 

Macullar, Parker «& Co., Boston. Harvard Register, 18S1. 

Marsh, Jas. W., Forest Grove, Or. Eight pamphlets. 

Merrill, Chester W., Cincinnati. Report of Public Library. 

New England Man, & Mech. Institute. Catalogue ist and 2d years. 

Parker, W. H., Middlebury. Inauguration of Pres. Hamlin. 

Perkins, N. C, Chicago. Rhyme of the District School, 

Pettingill, E. H., Rockingham. Text Book Committee's Report, 1879. 












-.t.'-' o ^, 



j«ni; 



!.>>;? ox , 't^: 



-91'' 



Vermont Historical Society. xiii 

Phelps, J. W., Brattleboro. Framed Requisition for Colored Troops, 
1862. 

Phillips, E. S., Bridgeport, Conn. History of First Church of Bridgeport. 

Phillips, Henry, Jr. Am. Philos. Asso'n, 18S0; Head Dresses on An- 
cient Coim; ; Old time Superstitions ; 8 pamphlets, 

PiNGRY, William M., Weathersfield. Pingree Genealogy. 

Pitman, Isaac, Bath, England. 7 phonetic pamphlets. 

Poillon, Wm., Secretary, N. Y. Proceedings 23d Meeting American 
Numismatic & Ar. Society. 

Poole, Wm. F., Chicago. Progress of Library Architecture. 

Powers, J. K., Des Moines, Iowa. Land office Report, 188 1. 

Preble, Geo. H., Boston. History U. S. Flag ; U. S. Service Monthly, 
Dec, 1880 ; 2 ambrotypes ; Henry Knox Thatcher. 

Prentiss, Samuel. Sons of. Portrait of Hon. Samuel Prentiss. 

QuARiTCH, Bernard, London. Catalogues. 

Reed, Mrs. Emily E., Montpelier. 14 books ; 40 School Books ; 30 vols. 
Magazines ; 60 pamphlets. 

RoLFE, E. W., Springfield. Newspapers ; 7 election sermons ; 137 pamph. 

Russell, M. W., Concord. Transactions N. H. Med. Society, 18S0. 

Sheldon, Henry L., Middlebury. 40 Autograph Letters of Clay, Wright 
and others ; i Sheldon medal. 

Slafter, E. F., Boston. Incorrect Latitudes. 

Smith, C. S., Montpelier. 10 Vermont Bible Society Reports ; 5 vols. 
Home Missionary. 

Smith, Mrs. J. Gregory, St. Albans. The Iceberg's Story. 

Smucker, Isaac Statistics of Ohio, 1880. 

Sotheran, Henry & Co., London. Catalogue. 

Staples, Samuel E., Worcester. Worcester Musical Festival. 

Stevens, Henry, London. Historical Collections; Monthly Notes of 
Library Association. 

Stone, E. M., Providence, 5 pamphlets ; Providence School Report, 1880. 

Taylor, Geo. H., N. Y. 4 of his medical works and 4 of his pamphlets. 

Thompson, Peter G., Cincinnati. Bibliography of Ohio, (Ex.). 

Tinkham, O. M. Pomfret, Vt. 2 pamphlets. 

Tucker, Alderman, Boston. Suffolk Deeds, Liber I. 

Turner, Alfred T., Boston. Boston Auditor's Report, 1880-81. 

Van Voorhis, Elias W., N. Y. Ancestry of Maj. Wm. Roe Van Voorhis. 

Walker, Geo. Leon, Hartford, Conn. 3 Sermons. 

Walker, E. S., Springfield, 111. 44th and 45th Anniversaries of Spring- 
field Baptist Association. 

Waller, J. B., Chicago. True Doctrine State's Rights ; B. Franklin as 
a Diplomatist. 

Wells, W. H., Chicago. 25 Education Reports, Chicago. 



VV I ; tV' 



xiv ' Vermont Historical Society. 

Wentworth, John, Chicago. His " Early Chicago," 3 parts. 
Wheeler, Hoyt H. Articles of Faith, etc., Church in Newfane. 
Whiting, Jas. M., Tunbridge, Vt. Massachusetts scrip, 1780. 
Williams, Samuel. Memoir of Charles Kilborn Williams. 
WiNTHROP, RoHERT. Yorktown Centennial Oration. 
WiNSHiP, Austin C. Old Vermont Coin. 
WoLCOTT, Samuel. The Wolcott Memorial. 
Wood, Josiah, Barre. Continental Scrip. 
Wood, Thomas W., N. Y. Portrait of Hon. D. P. Thompson. 
Wright, R. W., New Haven, Conn. Class of 1842, Yale. 

UNITED STATES. 

Department of the Interior. Semi Annual Lists of Patentees and 
Inventions as issued ; Annual Report, Patent Office, 1S79, 1S80 ; Weekly 
Gazette as issued ; Report of Education, 1878, 1879; Education and Crime ; 
Discipline of School ; Bureau of Education, Circulars of iSSo, Nos, 4 to 7, 
1881 ; Library Aids, 5 copies ; Statistics of fifty Counties ; House and Sen- 
ate Journals, 46th Congress, 2d sess. ; Ditto, 3d sess. ; Report of Chief of 
Engineers, 1880, 3 vols. ; Bulletins of Surveys ; King's Geol. Report, 18S0 ; 
Indian Languages, Powell ; Mortuary Customs of Indians ; Official Regis- 
ter, 1881, 2 vols. ; Seal Islands ; Oyster Industry ; Precious Metals ; Cotton 
in Louisiana. 

Navy Department. Appendix II, 1877. 

Smithsonian Institution. Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 23 : Mis- 
cellaneous Collections, vols. 13, 14, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21 ; Annual Report, 1879, 
1880 ; Publications of Bureau of Ethnology, vol. i. 

Coast Survey Office. U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, Appendix, 
Nos. 18, 19. 

Census Office. Bulletins. 

Treasury Department. Life Saving Service Report, 18S0, iSSi. 

War Department. Report on Geological Exploration, 40th parallel, 
vol. 7 ; Geog. Surveys, vol. 3, 188 1 ; vol. 7, Archaeology ; Index to Reports, 
River and Harbor ; Maps for River and Harbor Improvement ; Report of 
Chief of Engineers, Parts i, 2 and 3. 



Vermont Historical Society. XV 



EARLY VERMONT NEWSPAPERS. 



[The following is a list of early Vermont newspapers 
compiled at the request of S. N. D. North, Esq., of the 
Census Department. A full account of the first coming in 
of the printing business to the State of Vermont would 
be of much interest ; and even its most material relic, the 
old press now in the State House, has a history that will 
be very readable when written, as I hope it soon will be, 
by Robert Perkins, formerly of Woodstock and now on the 
editorial staff of the Springfield Republican. Mr. M. D. 
Oilman's valuable Bibliography of Vermont was of the 
^ greatest assistance in making this list, and Mr. Walton's 
researches were also of great help. The list gives the 
newspapers, with proprietorships and titles, down to the 
year 1810.] 

1. The Vermont Gazette, or Green Mountain Post Boy, West- 
minster, printed by Judah Paddock Spooner arid Timothy Green. First 
issue Monday, February 12, 1781 ; suspended 17S2, or early in 17S3. 

2. The Vermont Gazette, or Freemen's Depository, Bennington, 
printed by (Anthony) Haswell and (David) Russell. First issue June 5, 
'783; suspended finally in 1880. 

The proprietorship of this paper to 1810 was as follows : June 5, 1783 to 
October 25, 1790, Haswell & Russell ; November i, 1790 to August 12, 1796, 
Anthony Haswell ; August 19, 1796 to December 29, 1796, printed by C. 
Merrill for Anthony Haswell; January 5, 1797 to April 6, 1797, (Orsamus 
C.) Merrill and (Reuben) Langdon ; April 13, 1797 to August 31, 1797, Or- 
samus C. Merrill ; September 5, 1797 to March, iSoo, Anthony Haswell ; 



xvi Vermont Historical Society. 

March 6, 1800 to March 23, 1801, printed by Anthony Haswell for the pro- 
prietors; March 30, 1801 to January 3, 1803, Anthony Has^-ell ; Janaary, 
1803 to April 6, 1803, the paper suspended ; April 6, 1S03 to March 27, 
1804, Anthony Haswell & Co. ; April 3, 1804 to July 24, 1S04, Ar;:hony 
Haswell, who then announced suspension of the paper; August 7, 1S04 to 
August 28, 1804, printed for Anthony Haswell ; September 4, 1S04 to Janu- 
ary, 1806, Anthony Haswell and Benjamin Smead ; Januar}- 13, 1806, Benja- 
min Smead, who was succeeded by William Haswell, Aprii 3. iSri. 
- The titles of this paper to 1810 were as follows : June 5, 17S3 to May 31, 
1784, "The Vermont Gazette, or Freemen's Depository" ; J-jne 7, 1784 to 
Dec. 29, 1796, "The Vermont Gazette"; January 5, 1797 to August 31, 
1797, "Tablet of the Times"; September 5, 1797 to March 23, 1801, "The 
Vermont Gazette" ; March 30, 1801 to September 21, i8or, Haswell's Ver- 
mont Gazette revived"; September 28, iSoi to April 12, 1S02, "Haswell's 
Vermont Gazette" ; April 19, 1S02 to January 3, 1803, " Verraortt Gazette" ; 
April 6, 1803 to January 6, 1806, "Vermont Gazette" ; January 13, 1S06 to 
February (3?) 1807, "The Vermont Gazette, an Epitome of the World"; 
February (24?) 1807 to (September 21?) 1807, " Epitome or the World"; 
(October 26?) 1807 to April 3, 1809, "The World"; April 10, 1809, 
" Green Mountain Farmer," which name was retained till the Vermont Ga- 
zette title was restored in 18 16. 

3. The Vermont Journal and the Universal Advertiser, Wind-^ 
sor, printed by (George) Hough and (Alden) Spooner. Firs: issue Thurs- 
day, August 7, 1783, continued and now the Vermont Journal, published by 
the Journal Company. The partnership of Hough & Spooner was dissolved 
December 19, 1788. The last issue bearing their names is December 22, 
1788. and with the number for December 29, 1788, the name o£ Alden 
Spooner appears alone. Mr. Spooner ran the paper about thirty years after 
that. 

The title was changed March 20, 1792, to "Spooner's Vermont Jounnai," 
and so continued till several years after 1810. 

4. The Herald of Vermont, or Rutland Courier, Rutland, by 
Anthony Haswell. First issue Monday, June 25, 1792; last issue September 
10, 1792 ; cause of suspension, burning of the office September 16, 1792. 

5. The Farmers' Library, or Vermont Political and Historical 
Register, Rutland. Printed by James Lyon. First issue Monday, April i, 
1793. Last issue November 29, 1794. The office was sold to S. Williams k 
Co. ; (Rev. Samuel Williams, LL. D., and Judge Samuel Wiiliams.) 

6. The Rutland Herald, or Vermont Mercury, Rutland. Printed 
for S. Williams & Co. First issue December 8, 1794; continued and now 
published as the Rutland Herald and Globe, by the Herald Association. 

Proprietors : December 8, 1794 to January 2, 1797, S. Wi/.iams & Co. ; 
January, 1797 to February 20, 1797, S. Williams, (the Doctor); February 



Venno7it Historical Society. xvii 

27. 1797 to August 28, 1797, Williams & (Josiah) Fay ; September 4, 1797 
to July 30, 179S, when Dr. Williams and Josiah Fay dissolved partnership, 
S. Williams & Co.; August 6, 1798 the paper was printed for S. Williams, 
LL. D. William Fay succeeded Dr. Williams, and was proprietor in iSio, 
The early printers of the paper for the publishers were J. Kirkaldie, John S. 
Hutchins, Joshua Fay, John Walker, Jr., and William Fay. 

The title of this paper was: December 8, 1794 to June 22. 1795, "Tne 
Rutland Herald, or Vermont Mercury;" June 29, 1795 ^^ August 27, 1798, 
"The Rutland Herald, a Register of the Times;" September 3, 1793 and 
after, ''The Rutland Herald." 

7. The Farmers' Library, or Fair Haven Telegraph, Fair Haven, 
printed by J. P. Spooner and W. Hennessy. First issue July 28, 1795. 
William Hennessy retired March, 1796, and thereafter Judah Paddock 
Spooner was sole proprietor, till he suspended publication March 2, 1797, 
for a number of weeks at least. The paper was again running in November. 
1797, under the title of "The Farmers' Library or Vermont and New York 
Intelligencer," and suspended finally in 1798. 

There is high authority to the effect that Col. Matthew Lyon established a 
paper in Fair Haven in 1793, called first "The Farmers' Library," and then 
"The Fair Haven Gazette ": but I believe that this is a mistake, and that 
the first Fair Haven paper was the one started by Spooner and Hennessy. 

8. Federal Galaxy, Brattleboro, Printed by Benjamin Smead First 
issue January 3, 1797. Suspended 1S02. 

9. Burlington Mercury, Burlington, Donnelly & Hill. Begun in 
1797 ; suspended 1799 : so runs the record. 

A poetical-political squib in the Vermont Gazette of September 8, 1798, 
names the eight newspapers of Vermont, as then being. Federal Galaxy, The 
Argus, The (Spooner's Vermont) Journal, The (Rutland) Herald, The Green 
Mountain Patriot, the Vergennes Gazette and The Vermont Gazette. "The 
Mercury" is not named ; whether it had suspended then, had a second title, 
" The Argus," or was miscalled, is not determinable with the material and 
time at command. The name "The Argus," if used now would be well 
understood ; but what paper did the term apply to in 1798 ? 

10. Green Mountain Patriot, Peacham. Printed by Farley & (Sam- 
uel) Goss. First issue February i, 1798. Suspended March, 1807. 

11. Vergennes Gazette, Vergennes. Samuel Chipman. First issue 
August, 179S. Suspended ; probably not a long-lived paper. Perhaps con- 
tinued till the " printing office" of Chipman & Fessenden was burned, the 
night of October 27, 1801. 

12. Weekly Wanderer, Randolph. Sereno Wright, S. Wright & J. 
Denio, June 27, or July 4, 11, 18 or 25, 1801, to April 10 or 17, 1802; 
then Sereno Wright again. First issue December 27, 1800. Suspended 

about i8io. 

» 

2 



b-. 



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fli 



j xviii * Vermo7it Historical Society. 

13. Vermont Centinel, Burlington. J. H. Baker. First issue, March 
19, 1801. Suspended 1S80. 

. Baker was succeeded by Josiah King, October 12, 1804 ; October, 1805, to 

! April, 1806, it was printed by Baker for the proprietors ; April, 1806, to 

• . October, 1S06, Daniel Greenleaf and Samuel Mills; and from October, i8o6, 

for a dozen years, Samuel Mills. In 1810, the name was changed to " North- 
ern Centinel." 

14. Windsor Gazette, Windsor, Nahum Mower. First issue, March 3, 
1801. Suspended ; perhaps on the establishment of the Post Boy, by 
Mower, late in 1804. 

15. MiDDLEBURY Mercury, Middlebury, (Joseph D.) Huntington & 
(John) Fitch. First issue December 16, 1801. Suspended June 27, 1810. 

16. Vermont Mercury, Rutland, Stephen Hodgman. First issue about 
Monday, February 28, 1802. Running in 1803, but suspended probably not 
long after. 

17. The Reporter, Brattleboro, William Fessenden. First issue Feb- 
; ruary, 1803 ; merged in Messenger about 1826. 

18. The Post Boy, and Vermont and New Hampshire Federal 
j. Courier, Windsor, Nahum Mower. First issue December, 1804. Sus- 
pended 1808. 

19. Northern Memento, Woodstock, Isaiah Carpenter, First issue 
May, 1805. Suspended February, 1806. 

20. Vermont Precursor, Montpelier, Clark Brown. First issue No- 
vember, 1806. Sold, September, 1807, to Samuel Goss, who changed the 
name to "The Watchman." Samuel Goss sold in iSio to Ezekiel P. Wal- 
ton and Mark Goss, who as Walton & Goss conducted the paper about 

4 seven years, when Mr. Goss retired. Continued as " Vermont Watchman 

and State Journal," by W. W. Prescott. 

21. North Star, Danville, Ebenezer Eaton. First issue January 13, 
1807. Continued by Anson Hoyt. 

22. St. Albans Adviser, St. Albans, Rufus Allen. Established about 
1807. Suspended 180S. 

23. Vermont Courier, Rutland, Thomas M. Pomeroy. First issue July 
25, 1808. Suspended May 30, 1810. 

24. The Independent Freeholder and Republican Journal, Brat- 
tleboro, Peter Houghton. Established about 1808; suspended after a short 
life. 

25. Vermont Republican, Windsor, Oliver Farnsworth, for the pro- 
prietors. First issue, January i, 1809. In iSio, Farnsworth & (Sylvester) 
Churchill were proprietors ; suspended 1834. 

26. Champlain Reporter, St. Albans, Morton and Wiilard. Established 
April or May, 1809; suspended in spring of 181 r. 

27. Freeman's Press, Montpelier, Derrick Sibley. First issue August 






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Vermont Historical Society. xix 

25, 1809. In 1811 Wright, Sibley & Co. published it ; in 1812 Wright & 
Sibley ; suspended 1816. 

28. The Washington IAN, Windsor, Josiah Dunham. First issue July 
23, 18 10. Thomas M. Pomeroy was printer. It was published as late as 
July 10, 18 1 3. 

PERIODICALS, 

1. The Monthly Miscellany, or Vermont Magazine, Bcn.nington. 
Begun by A. Haswell, March, 1794. Soon discontinued. 

2. The Rural Magazine, or Vermont Repository, Rutland, S. Wil- 
liams & Co. First number for January, 1795 ; continued monthly for two 
years. 

3. The Scourge of Aristocracy, and Repository of Important 
Political Truths, Fair Haven, James Lyon. Twice a month. First issue 
October 2, 1798, suspended 1799. This in form was a magazine ; in reality 
a political newspaper. 

4. Haswell's Mental Repast, Bennington, A. Haswell, monthly. First 
issue, January, 1808. Soon suspended. 



Uiil. 



SAMUEL PRENTISS 



AN ADDRESS 

BEFORE THE 

VERMONT HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

BY 

E J PHELPS 



I Delivered in the Represen 



TATiVEs' Hall 
MoNTPELiER Oct 26 1882 



reported by j r pembek 



ADDRESS 



Mr. Pi'esident and Gentlemen of the Historical Society : 

I have been invited to sa}- something before you, touching 
the life and character of Samuel Prentiss. In the lack of a 
better substitute, I did not feel at liberty to decline ; but I can 
offer you nothing in response, that shall come up to the mark 
of a finished essay, or an elaborate address. I have not ex- 
plored the usual materials of the biographer ; I have not been 
able — indeed I have not cared — to put anything upon paper ; I 
have rather preferred to try to set before you, in a simple and 
familiar way, m}' own recollections of the man ; to sketch his 
portrait for you, as well as I can, in rough crayon, as it re- 
nKiins, and will always remain in my memory. If the color of 
the picture should appear to any of you too warm, if it should 
seem rather the tribute of an admiring friendship, than the cool 
discrimination of the historian, I shall make no apology for that. 
You will be quite at liberty to bear in mind, that the recollec- 
tions I am drawing upon, are those of m}' youth ; and that the 
enthusiasm and reverence that are youth's happiest gift, leave 
in all later years their after-glow upon the memories of their 
time. It is well for us, those of us who live to be old, that it 
is so. It is beneficently ordered, that the old man shall be 



^toiw^ob 



I Uid : 



always the laudator temparis sui., the eulogist of his own day. 
I was warmlj' attaclied to Judge Prentiss in his life time ; I 
honor and re\ere his memory more than that of most men I 
have known ; and I have known many. My father and he 
were bound together, all the days of their lives, by the intimacy 
of an uncommon friendship. 

*' And sacred loas the Jiand that icrote 
TJiy falher's friend forget thee not.'' 

Judge Prentiss was in all senses of the word, an old fash- 
ioned man. His active life was passed within the earlier half 
of this century. He came to the bar of Vermont in 1802, and 
he died in 1857. Historically speaking, the interval since then 
is not very long ; but in the rapid development ^of American 
societ}', it is a good while. In all the changes and chances 
of life, there is nolhiog that so forcibly illustrates the say- 
ing of the Scripture, that "the fashion of this world passeth 
away," as the changes and the differences in the generations of 
men. They succeed each other in a perpetual succession, yet 
no two are ever alike, bot in the certaint}^ of their disappearance. 
Each has its own character, its own successes, its own imperfec- 
tions, its own memories. History therefore, whether personal or 
national, must be regarded from the point of view of its own age ; 
it is idle to try to estimate it in the light of ours. Judge Prentiss 
belonged to his own time. He was the product of the early da^s 
of Vermont. There is something easier to state than to describe, 
in the influence of the time upon the quality of the men 
produced in the beginning of a state. It is akin to what is seen 
in some agricultural products, which are better in the virgin soil 
than any cultivation can ever make them afterwards. AVheiher 
it is in tin; diu-nity of their employment as the foiniders of in- 



stitutions, -whether it is in the vigor and freshness which attend 
the youth of a state, like the youth of life, or whether such 
emergencies bring to the surface and into conspicuous view a 
higher order of men, wliatever the reason may be, the fact re- 
mains ; the fathers are larger than the children. But when we 
eulogize the virtue and the advantages of the past, we do not 
necessarily disparage the present. I am not one of those who 
believe that the world degenerates as it grows older. As change 
is the condition of life, so compensation is an unfailing condi- 
tion of change. For whatever time takes away, it compensates 
in what it brings. Much that is precious perishes as it 
passes ; but with new life comes alwa3's new beneficence. 

The events of Judge Prentiss' life can be rapidly told. They 
are few and simple. He was born in Connecticut, in 1782, of 
a good old stock, who traced back their lineage to an excellent 
family in England. His great-grandfather fought for the king 
in the old French war, and his grandfather fought against the 
king, a colonel in the revolutionary war. He came to Vermont, 
which was the El Dorado of the best young blood of Connec- 
ticut in those times, and was admitted to the bar in 1802, before 
he was twenty-one years of age. He practiced law in Mont- 
pelier until- 1825, when he was made a judge of the Supreme 
Court. In 1829 he became chief justice. In 1830 he was 
elected to the United States Senate, and again in 1836. In 
1841 he was appointed judge of the United States District Court 
for Vermont, and held that office until he died in 1857, at the 
age of seventy-five, leaving twelve children, and a very mod- 
erate estate. That is the whole stor}'. Thirty-two years' 
continuous public service ; yet the events of his life are sub- 
stantially comprised in these few words. But the best lives are 
not made up of events ; they are made up of qualities and of 



6 

attainments. And simple as are the incidents that are now to 
be gathered of that life, it was beyond question one of the 
best and purest of the many good lives Vermont has been 
blessed with. 

I ma}' briefly consider (for I can touch but briefl}' upon any- 
thing to-night,) his life in these four successive epochs, as a 
lawyer at the Vermont bar, as a judge and chief justice of the 
Supreme Court of his State, as a senator of the United States, 
and as a judge of the federal court of this district. 

He practiced law, I have said, for twenty-three years. The 
phrase is one ver}- commonly employed, and has very different 
meanings. The small pettifogger practices law, to the infinite 
mischief of the community he lives in. And there is another 
class, to whom that term of reproach cannot properly be applied, 
but who content themselves with finding in the practice of the 
law a sort of genteel trade, out of which some sort of a liveli- 
hood is to be extracted without much labor ; who never begin 
to have a conception of the nobilit}' or the scope of a profes- 
sion, that has been well declared to be " as honorable as justice, 
and as ancient as the forms of law " ; who never study it as a 
science, or in any large way, but content themselves with such 
little miscellaneous acquirements as may answer the purposes 
of the small controversies of their locality. And therefore it 
is, that good men outside of the profession are sometimes puz- 
zled to understand how it should be exposed to the sharp and 
bitter criticism often applied to it, and at the same time should 
be the subject of the lofty eulogy heard in the best quarters in 
regard to it. It is because there are lawyers and lawyers ; 
lawyers small and great, useful and mischievous. There are 
those who belong to the trade, and there are those who belong 
to the profession. 



Judge Prentiss' life as a lawyer was of course before my 
time. My personal acquaintance with him began when he was 
in the Senate of the United States. What I know of his pre- 
vious career I have gathered from those who did know him, 
who are older than I, from the records he has left behind him, 
and from what I infer, from my subsequent acquaintance, must 
have been his character and qualities, when he was a younger 
man. 

In the first place, although a country law^yer in the then little 
village of Montpelier, and in the small, rural, isolated state of 
Vermont, he proceeded to acquaint himself, by the most care- 
ful and judicious and far-reaching study, with the whole range 
of the common law, and all its kindred topics. He did not ter- 
minate his labors with those subjects that were likely to turn up 
for discussion in the Washington County Court. He ac- 
quainted himself, I repeat, with the whole range and fabric of 
the common law, from its earliest foundations, and from the 
dawnings of its first fundamental principles. He learned the 
law as the perfection of reason, and the science of justice. And 
then he brought to bear upon the practice of it, the elevation 
of character and purity of motive that were born to him, and 
which he displayed in every relation of life. He felt and acted 
upon the conviction, that the lawyer as well as the judge is one 
of the ministers of justice ; that he as well as the judge is a 
sworn officer of the court ; that the administration of justice is 
his business, and not its perversion ; and that he is charged 
with his share of its dut}-, its responsibilit}-, and its repute. 
No mean cause, no disreputable client, no fraud to be vindi- 
cated, no wrong to be achieved, no right to be defeated, no 
assassin to be turned loose upon the communit}*, ever engaged 
the services of Judge Prentiss. Though the legal reports of 



•'IK) f.'m '?o 



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'Jo •.-:.,:•• .hf> 






8 

the state were far more meagre at that period than they are 
now, they are sufficient to indicate to those who care to re- 
sort to them, the manner of business he was engaged in. 
And the consequence v.as, that although at that day VeiTuont 
was full of able lawyers, and although the limited facilities for 
transportation were such as to confine the bar of the state prin- 
cipall}' to the business of their own counties, Judge Prentiss 
more than any other man in Vermont was called upon to go to 
various parts of the state ; I might almost say to all parts of 
the state in which any considerable courts were then held, and 
always in important cases. Such a lawyer as he was, contrib- 
utes to the law and the justice of his country more than most 
people are aware of. He is helping all the time, not only the 
particular business in hand — the interests with which he is 
charged — but he is helping the court ; he is helping to educate 
and maintain the court. Wise and able judges feel that sensi- 
bly. The argument that may fail of its application to daj-, is 
seed sown upon good ground. The effect of it comes after- 
wards, and bears fruit in the general law of the land. 

Such was the course of Judge Prentiss at the bar. And it is 
not surprising, that in the year 1822, a seat upon the bench of 
the Supreme Court was offered to him, and pressed upon his 
acceptance. Probably at that time there were few men in the 
State of Vermont better qualified to fill it. He alone of all the 
bar, with a characteristic modest}^ that was throughout his life 
beyond any exhibition of that quality I ever knew, declined it. 
He distrusted the ability that nobody else distrusted. But 
three years afterward, when the office was again pressed upon 
him, with no little reluctance he took his seat upon the bench. 
It is very noticeable in the reports how considerable a time 
elapsed before he could bring himself to be the organ of the 






. »«' • ir : •>.' 






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),<l:r[. "iO 'Mliif^' -mI 



Mvi fe ^:,':i-T^f 'i/tsv; tdi. 






9 

court in pronouncing its opinions. He cast that dut}^ upon his 
senior brethren. His associates upon the bench were Chief 
Justice Skinner, Titus Hutchinson, and Bates Turner, and after- 
wards Charles K. Williams, and Stephen Ro^'ce, names among 
the most honorable in our judicial history. But in due time he 
began to write and deliver opinions, and some of them re- 
main, fortunatel}' for his reputation. Onl}' a part of them, be- 
cause, as 1 have said, the reports were more meagre then than 
now. The}' speak for themselves. It is true, the}' deal largely 
with questions that have been now so long settled that we have 
little occasion to go back to read upon the subjects. But 
the lawj'er who is desirous of seeing what manner of man 
he was, and what sort of a court he belonged to, and who will 
take the trouble to peruse these opinions, will discover that 
they are distinguished, in the first place, by the most complete 
knowledge of the science of the law. And he will find, in the 
next place, that their conclusions are arrived at by logical de- 
ductions from fundamental principles, in a manner that to 
every capacity becomes perfectly luminous and decisive. And 
finally, that in every instance, the case the court is concerned 
with, had been the subject of the most careful, thoughtful con- 
sideration, until nothing that bore upon the conclusion was 
overlooked, forgotten, or misunderstood. 

Some people are coming to think in these daj's, that a judge 
can be manufactured out of almost any sort of material. And 
it is true enough, that almost any man can sit upon the 
bench, can hear causes, and after some fashion can decide 
them ; and the world will go along ; there, will be no earth- 
quake ; there will be no interruption of human afiairs ; he will 
fill the oflSce. But by and by it will come to be discovered, 
that the law of the land, which apparently has lost nothing of 



-!>.! ,»Jl'*: 






3)V 



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i.n,;j &. Jvii4>n 



ha./i. 



10 

its learning, has wonderfully lost its just^'ce ; that conclusions 
that by learned reasons and abstruse processes have been 
reached, are not consonant with justice, and establish rules 
that cannot be lived under. As the common people say. they 
may be law, but they are not right. There is philosophical 
and sufficient reason for this result. It is inevitable. Justice 
under the common law cannot be administered in the long run 
by an incapable man. And he is an incapable man for that pur- 
pose, who is not a master of the principles of the law, by a knowl- 
edge s^'stematic, comprehensive and complete. Because those 
principles are the principles of justice. They are designed for 
justice. The law has no other reason, no other purpose. The 
judge who draws his conclusions from this source, will keep 
within the limits of justice. The judge who is groping in the 
dark, and depending upon lanterns to find his way, who is 
swayed and swerved by the winds, the fancies, and the follies 
of the day, and b}' the fictitious or undiscriminating learning 
that finds its way into multiplied law books, will reach conclu- 
sions which laj-men perhaps cannot answer, but which man- 
kind cannot tolerate. Such courts lose public confidence, and 
business forsakes them. It is an invariable truth, that the more 
thorough the legal acquirements of the judge, the nearer his 
decisions approach to ultimate justice. 

I believe I am correct in saying that none of the decisions In 
which Judge Prentiss participated, have ever since been de- 
parted from. I think our Supreme Court has not found it 
necessary in the course of subsequent experience, (and it is 
human experience that tries the soundness of legal conclu- 
sions,) to overrule or materially to modiij' them. 

In 1830, as I have remarked, Judge Prentiss was elected to 
the United States Senate ; we may well imagine, upon no so- 



11 

licitation of his own ; and went to Washington to take his seat. 
And there, as I have also remarked, 1 became personally ac- 
quainted with him. 

And you will pardon me if I digress to saj' a word about that 
body, as it existed when I saw it for the first time. To com- 
prehend what Prentiss was, it is necessary to comprehend what 
were his surroundings, and who were his associates. I venture 
to say that this world, so far as we have any account of it, 
has never seen assembled a legislative bod}', which on the whole, 
and taking all things into account, could compare with the 
United States Senate at that period of our history. Not the 
Roman Senate, in its most august days ; not the Parliament 
of England, when Burke and Pitt and Sheridan made its 
eloquence immortal ; not that revered body of men who assem- 
bled together to create our constitution. In the first place, 
it was made up by the selection of undoubtedly the ver}- best 
men in every state in the Union, who could be furnished out 
of the political party which had the ascendancy in the state for 
the time being. The consequence was, that the}' were almost 
without exception, men of the largest and most distinguished 
ability ; and onlj* the presence of the great leaders I shall refer 
to presently, prevented almost au}^ member of that body from 
assuming a position of acknowledged leadership. Though party 
conflicts at times ran high, their contentions were based, upon 
both sides, upon the constitution, and upon the broadest and 
most statesmanlike views. Men might well ditfer, as they dif- 
fered, about the right and wrong of the questions and issues of 
the day. Much was to be said upon both sides. But one thing 
was to be said on all sides ; and that was that no man need 
be ashamed of being upon either side ; because the ground- 
work of all was broad and statesmanlike and defensible. 









JiK'*'i 'n-if Oil) 



u;« J. 






12 

There was besides, a dignity, a courtesy, an elegance of de- 
portment pervading the deliberations of that assembly, that 
could not fail to impress everybody who had the advantage of 
coming into its presence. No coarse personalities, no vulgarit}' 
of language or conduct, no small parliamentary trick or subter- 
fuge was ever tolerated. And rarely have been brought to- 
gether a bod}' of men of such uniformly striking and distin- 
guished personal presence. 

Time does not allow me even to name more than two or 
three of its members. I might cite almost the whole roll of 
the Senate in illustration of what I have said. Their names 
remain upon record as part of our history. It was once said 
that to have known a certain beautiful woman was a liberal 
education. I could say with far less exaggeration, that for an 
American citizen, and especial!}' a young American citizen, to 
have known and seen the United States Senate of that day, 
was a liberal education in what it most behooves an American 
citizen to know. He would have learned there, in such man- 
ner as never to forget, the difference between the gentleman 
and the charlatan, between the politician and the statesman, 
between the leader of men, who guides and saves his nation, 
and the demagogue who traffics in its misfortunes, and fattens 
upon its plunder. 

I have alluded to tlie great leaders who controlled the policy, 
guided the action, and gave character to the deliberations of that 
body. In their presence there could be no other leaders. And 
I refer to only three of them, Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, and Mr. 
Calhoun. 

Nothing can be said of Webster at this day, that enlightened 
people do not know. As he said of Massachusetts, the world 
knows him by heart. But those who are too youiig to have 



s:/ 



- !' .V. f 









13 

seen him, can never know, after all, splendid as the works are 
that he left behind him, the manner of man he was, as he ap- 
peared in those da3-s — the prime and flower of his life. His 
very presence was an irresistible magnetism. He could not 
pass through the streets of Washington, but ever3'bod3' turned 
to regard or to follow him. He was never out of the public 
eye. Every word that he spoke was listened to, almost as if it 
had been a revelation. Far beyond ail men I ever saw, he pos- 
sessed that well nigh supernatural personal magnetism that gave 
an indescribable power to words, which when repeated by an- 
other seemed to have no unusual significance. He was the 
great advocate, the luminous and decisive reasoner, whose lan- 
guage not only impressed the Senate, but eagerly waited for, 
sank deep into the best intelligence of the countr}*. 

Clay, though a great man, was as different from "Webster as 
the rockbound coast of Massachusetts is different from the blue 
grass pastures of Keajtucky. He was the acknowledged leader 
of the whig party, as Webster was its greatest luminary. What 
Webster said, passed into the permanent literature of the coun- 
try, the most permanent we have. What Clay said, was like 
charming music ; its immediate effect was powerful, but when 
it was over, it was gone ; nothing remained. Every school-boy 
can recite the splendid passages of Webster's eloquence. The 
best educated man to-diw, could hardly without preparation 
repeat one line from Clay. And yet no speaker had a greater 
magnetic power over his audience while they listened. His 
mnnner was splendid. It was overpowering. The young man 
who came within the scope of it was carried away captive ; 
he was a Clay man as long as he lived. And the audience that 
fell under a spell impossible to describe, because no trace 
of it remains, were carried along with him almost wherever 



-*C'*; VJJ^W/; 



14 

he chose. He was as imperious in his leadership, as splendid 
even in his arrogance, as he was in his courtesy. He could 
fascinate ; he could overcome. He was a born leader, a states- 
man b}' birthright, the originator of great measures. He carried 
the feeling of the countrj', as Webster did its convictions. 

Very different from either, was the third of that great trium- 
virate of American statesmen, Mr. Calhoun, to whose charac- 
ter we at the North have hardly done justice. His political 
opinions are all gone by, never to be revived. However we 
may dissent from them, the man himself, now that the conflict 
is over, should be estimated as he was. He was of a singularly 
upright, sincere, and disinterested personal character, simple 
yet elegant in manner, reserved in his intercourse with the 
world, shunning publicity as far as possible, but warm in his 
attachments to his friends. No man was ever more beloved by 
the people of his section. If they could have made a President, 
he would have been their choice. His intellect was more keen, 
subtle and incisive than broad, and disciplined to the last de- 
gree by study and thought. His views were philosophical 
rather than practical, those of the student rather than of the man- 
ager of affairs. As a speaker, his sole weapon was pure rea- 
son, without rhetoric or eloquence. He digressed neither to 
the right hand nor to the left. Fluent of speech, earnest, but 
impassive as a statue, faultless in language, the stream of calm, 
subtle, unbroken logic, disdaining ornament, and declining the 
ordinary resources of the orator, was fascinating to the listener, 
and almost irresistible in its persuasion, however dangerous in 
its conclusions. 

Through it all ran a tinge of unexpressed melancholy, the 
half conscious sadness of the prophet who foresees the coming 
sorrow, that is hid from the common eye. The undisputed 



15 



leader of Southern political thought, he was the author of the 
constitutional theory that culminated after many 3'ears in the 
war of the rebellion : that the Union is a partnership of states, 
that can be dissolved at will, not a government established by 
the people, perpetual in its character. To the maintenance of 
this proposition and its various corollaries, all the resources of 
his tireless abilit}' were devoted. Utterly as it has since been 
refuted, there was a time when in Mr. Calhoun's hands it 
seemed well nigh unanswerable. No ordinary constitutional 
lawyer was qualified to meet it. When Mr. Hayne's great 
speech on this subject was made, in 1830, (and it was a great 
speech,) its whole material was a reproduction of the views of 
Mr. Calhoun, then Vice President. Northern men gathered in 
dismay and said, '' can it be answered ?" And one man came 
to Mr. "Webster with the question, ^' can it be answered ?" 
*'We shall see, sir," replied he, "we shall see — tomorrow." 
And on the morrow the country did see, and never forgot. 
They saw the Southern idea utterly demolished, with a logic that 
con\inced all minds, and an eloquence that melted all hearts. 
Then and there it was, that " the lost cause " was lost. There 
was the first great battle. If the Calhoun construction of the 
constitution had been sound, secession would have been right. 
And if right, it would have succeeded. The lofty and noble prop- 
osition set forth by Mr. Webster — that our government is greater 
than a partnership, and more durable than a contract — a Union 
now and forever, with which liberty itself is one and insepara- 
ble — sank deep into the hearts of Northern men, and remained 
there. It was this conviction that brought them up to the de- 
mands of the final crisis, and enabled them to vindicate on the 
field what had been demonstrated in the Senate. They were 
^rice armed, when their quarrel was shown to be just. 



U'j^v 



16 

The echoes of that great eloquence still lingered round the 
Capitol, and the answering public sentiment was strong. No 
man saw more clearly than Mr. Calhoun did, for his fore- 
sight was far-reaching, that the cause he contended for had 
received its death blow ; that the North would never yield the 
point. But he clung to it still, with the tenacity and the sad- 
ness of despair. Involved, as he thought, were the civiliza- 
tion, the institutions, the social life, the prosperity-, that were 
precious to his people, and dear to himself. Again and again 
he marshalled in its support that strong and brilliant minority 
who trusted and followed him. With will unconquerable, with 
intellect inexhaustible, but with unfailing self-command and 
knightly courtesy, he fought still for the smitten cause and the 
forlorn hope. Alwa3's respected by his opponents, his personal 
dignitj' he never lost. He was a power in the Senate, though 
not its greatest power ; not its largest figure, but one of its 
most striking, most interesting, most fascinating. 

Such were the men who gave leadership and character to the 
United States Senate in those days. And such were they who 
were associated with those leaders. 

Into that stately assembh^ walked, in 1830, one of the most 
modes^, reticent, quiet, gentlemen that ever lived ; with no self- 
assertion, seeking no leadership, making few speeches, taking 
nothing at all upon himself, the representative of one of the 
smallest and most rural states of the Union, with no ambition 
to gratify, no purposes of his own to serve. But he came there, 
not to be inquired of by his distinguished associates, "Friend, 
how earnest thou in hither ? " He came to take his place from the 
first, and to retain it to the last, as their acknowledged peer. No 
man in that Senate was more thoroughly- respected and es- 
teemed. No man was more listened to, when on comparatively 



1? 

rare occasions he thought proper to address them. No man's 
opinion had more weight 5^ no man's intimacy was more courted 
by the great men I have alluded to, than that of Samuel Pren- 
tiss. His position there, and his standing in the Senate, were 
such that he not only represented, but honored his state. It 
was a remarkable exhibition of the infiuence of high character, 
and of quiet intellectual force. He came to be regarded by 
many as the best jurist in the Senate, yet no jurist said so little 
on the subject. Although Judge Story was then sitting, in the 
height of his fame, on the bench of the Supremo Court, Chan- 
cellor Kent declared that he regarded Judge Prentiss as the 
first jurist in New England. And what was a great deal better 
than that, he was a man of an independence of character that 
nothing could swerve. One might suppose from what I have 
said of his modesty and gentleness, his consideration for others 
and his distrust of himself, that he would be a man who could 
be easily swayed and influenced. He was like the oak tree, its 
branches bending in the breeze, the trunk solid and immovable. 
When the bankrupt law was passed in 1840, though it was 
strenuously urged by the Whig party, to which Judge Prentiss 
belonged, he opposed it. He stood out against the almost uni- 
versal public demand ; and he made a speech against it, which 
was said on all hands to be the ablest speech of the whole de- 
bate. He could stand alone well enough, when there was any- 
thing worth standing out about. The subsequent history of 
that bankrupt law demonstrated that Judge Prentiss was right. 
It was an ill advised, hasty piece of legislation, which Congress 
were glad afterwards to abandon and repeal. 

I cannot dwell upon incidents of his senatorial career. I 
cannot rehearse or repeat an3'thing from his speeches. I must 
pass superficially over much that might be dwelt on. The 
4 



18 

fljing hour admonishes me that I must hasten on. One single 
passage let me quote from memor}' — and I can repeat sub- 
stanially his language — in a speech made in the United 
States Senate in 1841, when in his own quiet and modest way, 
he expressed what was the guiding principle of his public and 
political life. "I would not be understood," he says, "as 
undervaluing popularity, because I disclaim it as a rule of 
conduct. I am quite too humble and unpretending an individ- 
aal to count greatly upon it, or to seek for or desire any which 
does not arise from the pursuit of right ends by right means. 
Whatever popularity that may bring, will be as grateful to me 
as to any one. But I neither covet nor am ambitious of any 
other." He expressed in that modest way the same thought 
Lord Mansfield expressed when he said "I am not insensible 
to popularity : but I desire the popularity that follows, not 
that which is run after." 

In 1841, very near the conclusion of his second term in the 
Senate, he was appointed, by universal consent, and with un- 
qualified approbation, Judge of the United States Court for the 
district of Vermont, to succeed Judge Paine, who had deceased. 
He went upon the bench, and remained there the rest of his life. 

In those days. Judge Nelson was the Judge of the Supreme 
Court of the United States, who was assigned to this circuit. 
And unlike the judges of our day, who are either too busy or 
too little inclined, to travel about the country and hold circuit 
courts, it used to be Judge Nelson's practice, and his pleasure, 
to come up into Vermont once a year at least, and sometimes 
oftener, and sit in the United States Court with Judge Prentiss. 
If there ever was a better court than that, for the dail}- admin- 
istration of human justice, year in and year out, in great mat- 
ters and small, I do not know where it sat. The men were 






•r - 

a. 



5Ui 10 

A 
f' 

91 



.8* 



19 

entirely unlike. No two judges so eminent could have been 
less alike than they were. Judge Nelson was not a great law- 
yer ; he was a very good one. He had a large judicial experi- 
ence ; natural judicial qualities ; great practical sagacity, a 
strong sense of justice, and the moral courage of a lion. He was 
probabl}' one of the best presiding magistrates that has sat upon 
the bench of any nisi prius court in our day. Not, I repeat, 
because he was a great lawyer, but because he was a great mag- 
istrate. He had a sway over the proceedings of his court that 
controlled its results for good ; there was a moral power and 
dignity about it that was salutary in its influence, not only 
on the business in hand, but upon everybody that came 
near it. It was felt by counsel, by juries, by witnesses, 
by parties. I used to think, as Justice is depicted as bear- 
ing the scales and the sword, that Prentiss carried the 
scales, and Nelson the sword. Prentiss can-ied the scales, 
4iang upon a diamond pivot, fit to weigh the tenth part 
of a hair ; so conscientious he was, so patient, so thought- 
ful, so considerate, so complete in his knowledge of ever\- 
principle and every detail of the law of the land. When 
he held up the scales, he not onl}^ weighed accuratel}', but 
everybody felt that he weighed accurately. But his ver}' mod- 
esty, his distrust of himself, his fear lest he should go too far 
or too fast, deprived him to some extent of what might be 
called the courage of his judicial convictions. Nelson, when 
they sat together, always took care to assure himself from 
Judge Prentiss, that he was right in his conclusions. The}' 
never differed. It would have been ver}- difficult to have 
brought Judge Nelson to a different conclusion from what he 
was aware Judge Prentiss had arrived at. But the sword of 
justice in Nelson's hand, was " the sword of the Lord and of 



20 

Gideon." And when a decision was reached, it was put in 
force without delay or further debate, and without recall. And 
so it was that the court became like the shadow of a great rock 
in a weary land. It carried with it an inevitable respect and 
confidence. It was a terror to the evil doer, and the prompt 
protection of the just. 

And yet so modest, even in that fine and ripe and consummate 
experience and knowledge that Judge Prentiss had attained, so 
modest was he in its exercise, that it was difficult to bring him 
to a final decision in important matters, without the assistance 
of Judge Nelson. And he never could be brought, though 
much urged, to go to the city of New York to assist in the 
discharge of the press of business there, as it is customary for 
judges to do, and as I am frank to say he ought to have done. 
He did himself injustice by the excess of his modesty ; but 
after all it was an error on the praiseworthy- side. 

These desultory observations upon Judge Prentiss' life, in 
its various relations, may perhaps have indicated sufficiently 
what I desire to conve}', in regard to the qualities of his charac- 
ter and his intellect ; he was a man of rare and fine powers, of 
complete attainments in jurisprudence, a student and a thinker 
all the days of his life ; conservative in all his opinions, consci- 
entious to the last degree, thoughtful of others, a gentleman in 
grain, because he was born so, a Christian in the largest sense 
of the term, whose whole life was spent in the careful discharge 
of his duty, without a thought of himself, his own aggrandize- 
ment, or his own reputation. I saw him for the last time I 
ever saw him, on the bench of his court, towards the close of 
his life, perhaps at the last term he ever held. He was as 
charming to look at as a beautiful woman, old as he was. His 
hair was snow white, his eyes had a gentleness of expression that 



21 

no painter can do justice to ; his face carried on every line of 
it the impress of thought, of study, of culture, of complete and 
consummate attainment. His cheek had the color of youth. 
His figure was as erect and almost as slender as that of a young 
man. 'His old fashioned attire, the snowy ruffle, and white 
cravat, the black velvet waistcoat, and the blue coat with brass 
buttons, was complete in its neatness and elegance. And the 
graciousness of his presence, so gentle, so courteous, so digni- 
fied, so kindly, was like a benediction to those who came into 
it. Happy is the man to whom old age brings only maturity 
and not decay. It brought to him not the premonitions of 
weakness, of disease, and dissolution, but cnl}' ripeness — ripe- 
ness for a higher and a better world. It shone upon him like the 
light of the October sun, on the sheaves of the ripened harvest. 
Of his private and domestic life, I forbear to speak. His- 
torical societies have nothing to do with that. Some here are 
old enough to remember the admirable woman, his wife. Some 
ma}' still remember his home, in a day when as I have said 
before, the time's were different from what they are now. Steam 
had not put out the fire on the hearth. Ostentation had not 
paralj-zed hospitality. The houses swarmed with healthy chil- 
dren. There were fewer books, but more study. There was 
less noise, and more leisure. There was plainer living, and 
better thinking. He had, us some knew, peculiarities — eccen- 
tricities they might be called — in his personal conduct. They 
were nothing, probably, but the outgrowth of a strong individ- 
uality, which consideration for others restrained from having 
any other vent His ways were exact ; they were set ; they 
were peculiar. When he came down from his chamber in the 
morning, and his family and his guests were in the house, he 
spoke to no one. It was understood that no one should speak 



na y! 



22 

to him. He passed through them as if m a vacant room, to his 
particular chair. He took down the Bible, and read a chapter ; 
and he rose up, and offered a prayer. And then he went to 
the breakfast table. After that, there was no courtes}* more 
benignant and kindl}* than his. And that was an unvarying 
practice ; and every one who knew the ways of his househeld 
respected it. It was the flower of that old time reverence 
which distinguished his whole life ; when he came forth in the 
morning, he spoke to God first. 

It never seemed to me — I was too far away at the time of his 
funeral to be present — it never seemed to me that he was dead. j 

It never seemed as if I should find his grave if I explored your j 

cemetery. He seemed to illustrate how it was that in the old | 

days it came to be believed, that some men departed this life with- \ 

out dying. He looked to me like a man who was only waiting j 

to hear the words, " Friend, come up higher" ; — like one who j 

in due time would pass on before us, not through the valley of \ 

the shadow of death, appointed to all the living, but walking 1 

away from us, upward and onward, until like the prophet of | 

old, he walked with God, and disappeared from our sight among 
the stars. 

! 

It has been said, and often repeated, that history is philoso- i 
phy teaching by example. That is as true of personal history, 

as of national ; because the one is only the aggregate of the | 

other. The mere flight of time does not make history. For j 
countless centuries the land we live in lay under the eye of the 

Almight}*, and the morning and the evenmg rose and fell upon i 

it, and the summer and the winter came and went, but it bad I 

no history, because it had no civilized life. History is tho story I 
of the life of men ; principally the public and conspiciioiis men ; 



23 

strictly, the aggregate life of all men. There are lives enough 
that terminate at the grave, that display no example, point no 
moral, transmit no inheritance. They are but the dust that re- 
turns to the dust again. No Historical Society need busy itself 
about them. They are not those that make the history of 
a nation great. I have spoken, (how imperfectly^ no one 
knows better than I do,) of one of the illustrious lives of the 
earlier annals of Vermont. But he did not stand alone. He 
stood among his peers, among the men of his day in the state 
of Vermont, eminent, useful, distinguished in all the depail- 
ments of life, and especially in public life. They are all gone, 
— like him — with him. They have bequeathed to us a histor}*, 
than which there is no better. There are more splendid histo- 
ries ; there are none more worth}', more noble, than that of our 
own state of Vermont. No people have more right to be proud 
of their history than we have. 

And the moral of such lives is, that it is for us to preserve 
that history unimpaiied and unstained, and to transmit it to 
the children who are grov/ing up about us, and who will so soon 
fill our places. 

How shall it be done? By seeing to H that the quality of 
the men in public places and 'public trusts does not run doicn. 
I do not say this because I think it needs specially to be said 
in the State of Vermont. Our high places are still worthily 
filled. But it is a point to which the attention of American 
people everywhere needs to be directed. As long as these lives 
are noble and great, so long we shall maintain the honor of 
the history, and the beneficence of the prosperity of the State 
of Vermont. 

It is a common saying, that this is a government of the peo- 
ple. That is a mistake ; there never was a government of the 



, V ' '''iii ji 



*v 



24 

people. No people can administer a governnaent ; they only 
designate the men who shall administer it. That is what they 
have to do, and all they can do. We have seen the maimer of 
men that our fathers placed in the discharge of public trusts. 
If the same superiority which the}^ demanded, we demand, it 
will be forthcoming. The world has not depreciated. There is 
as much capacity in it as there ever was. If it is called for, it 
will come to the surface. If it is made, as it should be, the ex- 
clusive requisite to public office of importance, it will not fail to 
be found. It is time there was courage enough to controvert 
the idea that in some parts of this country is making its wa}*, 
that all that is necessary to qualify a man for high oftlce, is the 
cunning that enables him to get into it. The government of 
the country requires personal superiority ; superiority of natural 
capacity', superiority of attainment ; the acquirements of those 
who have been willing to toil while others slept ; and it is time 
that we had the sense to think so, and the courage to say so. 

When the day comes, as it has come in too many other 
places, when the road to high office shall require a man, instead 
of attaining the requisite superiority, to divest himself of all 
appearance of superiority to the general mass of mankind, and 
to assimilate himself as completeh^ as possible with those who 
are inferior ; and having thus achieved a mean and unwor- 
thy popularity, then to exercise his ability in crawling into 
place, by traffic, and management, and intrigue — when that 
time comes, I say, it will need no prophet or astrologer to cast 
the horoscope of our State. The dry rot will permeate every 
timber of the edifice that ou;: fathers reared, and all the glory 
of the past will be lost in the dishonor of the future. 



Jfi: •]. 



QOI 4